The Coffee Marxist


Review of Less Than Zero
July 25, 2009, 9:53 am
Filed under: Art & Culture, Literary Criticism, Oddities

Less Than Zero is a novel, or perhaps a very short semi-autobiography, about rich young Americans in college, in Los Angeles. In a word, it is a much less innocent Catcher In the Rye. Reading this 22,000-word novel (barely longer than a short story) is as easy and as inexplicable as the feeling of gazing out a sunny window for a long period of time.

As the dear reader may or not may not know, your author is a near life-long fan of Mr. Ellis’s work, even though I am quick to label it reactionary. As I have mentioned before in my essay on postmodernism, his documentary-like style does an excellent job of examining the emptiness of life under bourgeois capitalism while at the same time doing all it can to romanticize the basis of it. Ellis sneers at the age’s excesses while at the same time flaunting its greatest achievements. The good news is, that is barely pronounced here at all, and not nearly to the extent it would be in his second book, The Rules of Attraction.

Most of the focus is on the main character Clay, who narrates the story alone, but Ellis has masterfully made it feel as though it is third-person rather than first. This is because Clay is a passive narrator; he makes no harsh judgments, he does not limit our vision to his own. Clay has no investment in the world around him—he merely watches and observes, opportunistically waiting for a chance for personal gain, while at the same time trying not to hurt anyone too badly. He is as confused and as hesitant as a youth with no identity to go with his lines of cocaine would be. In effect, this means there is never any overbearing “voice” or narrator in the story to impose a definite moral compass. Hence the reader will join Clay in his amoral, directionless carnality and in his careful disconnection.

There is much that is remarkable about Less Than Zero, for example the fact that it has virtually no plot (which is very much a good thing, there are far too few stories without plots these days; it only makes it more life-like), but more than anything what stands out is something Ellis is known for—his descriptions of sexual encounters.

These are far less frequent here than say, in his magnum opus novel American Psycho, but they are his typical fare in that they have no pornographic appeal (quite the opposite), and are narrated with an emotionless, callous tedium and arrogant boredom which is fairly common in modern fiction, but never done quite this well. In fact, these sex scenes are only concentrated versions of the attitude of which the rest of the novel is made. A book like this, which deals with the deepening disconnections between people under the alienation of capitalism by brutally insisting on the facts, is common, but Ellis has a voice of his own that is refreshing and pure.

Two of the consequences of the breakdown of religious belief under today’s imperialism (polls today show today that less people are religious than ever before) are 1) an increase in social awareness, and, paradoxically, 2) an increase in the focus on individualism and the physical side of life. For if there is no higher plane beyond the grave, surely the sole purpose of life, the highest goal any being can dedicate himself to (or so the capitalist logic goes), is to expanding and enhancing himself, to improving oneself by amorally experiencing every sensation in this world.

Taken as a whole, Ellis’s books are moralistic vilifications of human nature as selfish, bratty and excessively hedonistic, all the time not realizing that these are merely symptoms of a larger disease: the alienation felt by all, especially the youth he seems so disgusted with, under capitalism. As brilliantly honest and taboo-bashing as his stories are on the surface, and as hilariously dead-on his parodies of the so-called “American dream” may be, deep down his purposes are undeniably conservative.

Mr. Ellis would not answer to someone calling him a pessimist, though all his books are about angsty, egoistic and childish characters dealing with loneliness and drug addiction. What makes him unique is that he avoids the trap that his fellow postmodernist writers, such as the infamous Chuck Palahniuk, so often run into. Ellis refuses to say that by desensitizing oneself to the ugliness of the world, one will end up finding life more worth living, nor does he repeat the older-than-dirt cliché that “ugliness and violence can be beautiful in a way.”

No, Ellis is far too royalist for that. He has cultivated the image of the California Bohemian, the libertine, eccentric and educated “artist” who while stressing fulfillment, also stresses ethics. He sees no “better” possible relations for mankind, he sees only the avoidance of “excessive” excesses. In his mind’s eye, he sees himself as the post-beatnik, clean-cut rebel, while at the same time the lone guardian of a feudal code of honor, a pair of hands holding back the deluge of a thousand spoiled young Marquis De Sades.

To add a personal touch to this review, I read this marvelously short book that says so much in one day, in perhaps two sittings. There are no chapters to speak of, merely sections of perhaps a few paragraphs each, separated by spaces. It makes the work gently episodic but never choppy. There is nothing here as balls-out violent and raw as the sex-and-murder scenes from his later American Psycho – there is nothing here that seeks to “grab the reader by the throat” or make him experience challenging slices of animal emotion.

Less Than Zero flows so smoothly and so straightly that it can only be compared to a modern, R-rated Catcher In the Rye. Never have I read a book that so beautifully captures the lost, barren irreverence of youth while doing it in such a streetwise manner. There is never any attempt to impose an intensity or a purpose to the narrative; it merely exists. As such, it is intensely relaxing even as it is profound and fleeting. Here, Ellis does something that so few authors can do gracefully: he relaxes his grip, and he lets the story flow.



Thoughts on Postmodernist Attitudes
July 23, 2009, 11:04 am
Filed under: Art & Culture, Class Struggle, Literary Criticism

Kipling, Conrad and Robert Louis Stevenson all address the colonial experience through a hermetically sealed bubble of subjective, individual unreality. Alex Garland in The Beach, Chuck Palahniuk in Fight Club and Bret Easton Ellis in American Psycho all explore the emptiness of bourgeois ideology in modern urban man within this same bubble, frequently arriving at the most reactionary and hedonistic of places. Why are they reactionary?

Let’s take a novel as an example. Ellis’s novel The Rules of Attraction consists entirely of stream-of-consciousness rantings from a revolving door of different narrators. As might be expected, each narrator has his/her own voice and subjective take on things. The characters themselves are all incredibly empty and tainted by what can only be called “selfishness,” and they all find solace in hedonism through drug abuse and promiscuous sex. Do I even need to say all of them are secretly depressed and feel hollow, corrupted and lost?

What does this plot mean? Either this is supposed to be a representation of the state humanity under bourgeois ideology finds itself in (which would be a progressive work), or, more likely, it is meant to be a moralistic social critique of the state of young people today with the idea that they should “correct themselves” by falling back into the places alloted for them by the dominant social order.

Fight Club fares even worse. It starts off as an idealist “liberal” critique of consumerism, which then evolves into a promotion of primitivism and secular humanism, and then of course takes its petty-bourgeoisie ideas to their logical conclusion at the end, where it becomes an essentially fascist and militarist work.

Most entertainment today does this sort of thing—showing a world that has no meaning with all the class interests and prejudices that entails. What does this mean?

Never have intellectuals and artists displayed the hubris they show here, attributing to themselves the power to arbitrate all meaning. In the postmodernist movement, their celebration of complexity and ambiguity becomes a form of boundless egoism. Richness of meaning, which sounds good to most of us, cannot take the form of no limits on meaning, which would amount to meaninglessness.

For more information, see: Samuel Beckett. (Yes, ANY of his works.)

As Marx said, the dominant ideas of any era are the ideas of its ruling class. What does this culture say about the class nature of our society and what class interests does this movement represent? It is a petty-bourgeoisie, or small landowner or producer, way of thinking.

Why is this? Generally speaking, the petty-bourgeoisie, when tackling a problem, thinks in a subjective and one-sided way. He does not practice Marxist dialectics, which analyzes things concretely and rationally from every possible angle in order to get an objective and complete picture of reality, but instead starts from his own wishes, preconceived notions and subjective desires about how actual conditions should be. People who live in imperialist countries, intellectuals or more privileged strata of society (wealthier people, whites, petty-bourgeois) who are detached from the concrete conditions of reality often think in this way, because they have only book smarts and lack practical knowledge.

What the idealists, the postmodernists and the “free speech” advocates fail to understand is that a man’s mind is not his own. Who would deny that in each society throughout history man has operated in personal relations independent of their own will?

One of the chief discoveries of the science of Marxism, and materialism in general, is: it is not consciousness that determines reality, it is reality that determines consciousness. To imagine that the mind alone, in this case the individual mind, and the will, in this case that treasured idealist concept of the “free will,” can change reality based only on its own individual wishes is the most vulgar form of bourgeois and capitalist ideology.

How is this inherently capitalist ideology? Since subjectivism and relativism (“nothing is true, it’s all just in your mind”) is the logical ideology of late industrial capitalism, where individualism has taken its toll and everything becomes dependent on what you think, rather than what exists. This sort of thinking is also beneficial to capitalism, since it fuels the “I can make the world my own” attitude of the small producer.

This is reflected especially in the idea that scientific and materialist minds are somehow “intolerant” or “imposing” by subjecting others’ beliefs to the scientific method. This view ignores the fact that it doesn’t matter at all what one thinks of reality; what matters is what is objectively true and what is not.

The argument is frequently made that if the individual believes it hard enough or passionately enough, then it must be true. Hence, “religion is objectively true for religious people.”

Putting aside the fact that this so-called “objective truth” is therefore neither objective nor truth, this whole capitalist and postmodernist way of thinking digs its own grave.

To expand on this, here are a few key points to consider, that MUST be conceded:

  1. Reality functions and exists outside man’s own individual mind. This must be a given, since if one individual dies, reality does not cease to exist. Therefore reality is separate from the individual.

  2. Reality is not changed by the individual mind alone. If someone is falling from a cliff, wishing it is not so does not make it stop. Similarly, no matter how hard you wish it, you cannot push your hand through a solid wood table. You can imagine it, but the fact remains that your molecules repel the molecules of the wood. Even if you got two people together, one who admitted he could not pass through walls, and one who was absolutely convinced he could, the fact could still be shown objectively that both of them were incapable of it. The man who believed he could pass through walls would not be able, materially, to cross into the next room.

  3. If reality is separate from the individual mind, and is not affected by it, we must then admit that the two can disagree and be completely parallel.

  4. If we admit that the two can disagree, then there must be such a thing as concrete objective truth and mere fantasy. If the desires of the mind were the same as reality, then they could never be separate.

  5. Therefore, what is true and existing can only be measured not in wishes, but in matter.

  6. Finally, if all of the above is true, then we must say that not everything the individual mind believes is true, and that in order to be proved true it must pass the scientific method.

From these points, we can see that there are perceptions that are correct, right and actually existing, and there are those that are incorrect and not actually existing.

Logically, if something cannot be weighed or measured, it does not exist. Otherwise the very concept of “not existing” becomes moot, since the sole definition of “not existing” hinges on not being able to prove that it DOES exist.

Why? Because it is impossible to prove a negative. It is impossible for me to prove that something can’t be done. Likewise, it is impossible to prove that something does not exist. So the only definition that there can be for not existing is the absence of proof that it does exist.

For example, it would be impossible for me to prove that there are not pink dragons flying everywhere, except for me to point out the absence of material evidence: no sight of them, no feeling of wind from their wings.

Conclusion: the capitalist ideas of relativism and postmodernism are bankrupt. Reality exists outside the individual mind, and there are right ideas and wrong ideas, as well as true and false ideas.



FRSO Sells Out Marxism-Leninism For Good

Freedom Road Socialist Organization is an odd duck in the cesspool of myriad revisionist parties currently residing comfortably in the US, what with its awkward name, logo worthy of some sort of Marxist Dr. Seuss parody and opportunist zigzagging line worthy of the CP-USA. FRSO has a long history of being left-refoundationist and finding political struggles far too complex and sectarian to consider. Take, for example, this excerpt from a blog of theirs:

“Why was the movement divided into so many different organizations and why were there so many splits? [….] The movement considered “anti-revisionist” Marxism-Leninism to be the only genuine revolutionary framework. It insisted upon a controversial [!] interpretation of communist history which considered the Soviet CP (and allied parties) revolutionary under Stalin but ‘revisionist’ since the time of Khrushchev. It embraced an ‘orthodox’ model of the ‘party of a new type’ in which there could be only a single vanguard in any given country and the writings of Stalin and Mao were looked to for guidance about how to practice democratic centralism, handle inner-party differences, determine relations with ‘non-party’ groups and individuals, etc. A significant section of the movement (including all of FRSO’s predecessor organizations) adopted even more specific views: They [...] argued that the post-Stalin USSR had restored capitalism and become a ’social imperialist’ superpower.”

The language here doesn’t really say what is WRONG with that view, but it pretty obviously says that the FRSO doesn’t hold that (correct) view, since this paragraph goes to great lengths to show that their “predecessors” did. It seems Marxism-Leninism of the non-revisionist type is utterly bewildering to Freedom Road—perhaps that is why they endorsed Obama and promote Chavez’s reformist “21st Century Socialism” program. The fact that they felt the need to put sarcastic quotation marks around words like “revisionism” and “social-imperialism,” as if these words meant nothing doesn’t say much for their theoretical chops either.

FRSO is a pathetic sect that can be described as belonging to the new “pan-socialist” movement that is sadly gaining strength with the recent decline of Maoism. Other parties in this pan-socialist movement include the Party For Socialism and Liberation (PSL) and Workers’ World Party (WWP).

First off, let me say I really have no idea what separates these three groups. All of them seem to have about the exact same political line on most issues: they support ANYONE who has ever called themselves “socialist,” from Trotsky, to Gorbachev, to Luxemburg to Ho Chi Minh.

Among other very alarming positions, they:

  1. Support Soviet social-imperialism, or outright deny the existence of revisionism.

  2. Are pro-USSR even up to Gorby.

  3. Are apologists for Khrushchev and Brezhnev, and their invasions of Hungary, Czechoslovakia and (yes) Afghanistan.

  4. Claim that modern China is a socialist nation.

  5. Support Cuba and the DPRK models of Marxism-Leninism and as fully socialist (and not revisionist) nations.

  6. Support the Chinese military against the protesters at Tienanmen Square.

  7. Support the reactionary government of Milosevic and claim the Kosovo independence movement was “social-fascist” and backed by the NATO bloc.

  8. Support the Janjaweed militia in Sudan.

  9. Support Obama for president. (The PSL did not take this position, since they had a candidate running for president. One wonders what they would’ve done had they not.)

The list of opportunist positions just goes on and on. These movements are simply obsessed with choosing one corrupt force against another in every situation, and always allying with the “better” of two opposing bourgeois or reactionary forces. This is not to say such positions are always wrong. Some compromise with the bourgeoisie is necessary even in revolutionary situation and even under socialism itself. But the point is that these parties almost never do it in a correct way.

The PSL, FRSO and WWP refuse to draw any theoretical lines as to correct practice, and thus end up on the side of the bourgeoisie in almost every case. This can be seen literally, in their calls for communists and workers to unite with the ruling cliques of certain countries they label as “anti-imperialist,” even if a social revolution is imminent. This is not even done in the name of the national right to self-determination, but in the name of it being better for the working class.

As a perfect example, look at their article on the anniversary of Tienanmen:

http://www.frso.org/about/statements/2009/looking-back-at-tiananmen-square.htm

Why exactly would a so-called “Marxist-Leninist” party support and ally with a capitalist ruling clique and their military junta against the masses of people? Your guess is as good as mine. The author argues that it was right for the Chinese government to suppress the movement, as it “aimed at overthrowing socialism and restoring capitalism.” It is simply absurd to claim that China was socialist in 1989. Anyone who does has no idea what socialism is.

There are those so-called “socialists” out there who will always defend a revisionist country when it comes time to defend Marxism-Leninism. These types usually side with the revisionist government, claiming that they are “preserving what is left of the revolution.” This is essentially a Trotskyite argument that has a lot in common with the concept of “deformed workers’ state.” Trotsky too, didn’t believe in revisionism nor social-imperialism. He held the metaphysical world outlook that revisionist nations could magically go back to being Marxist-Leninist any day now.

Indeed, it seems the FRSO and Mick Kelly’s analysis just shows the absolute stupidity in “defending socialism” when China was never a Marxist-Leninist nation, even under Mao.

When faced with the doubtless fact that many of the protesters were, in fact, bourgeois liberals, and pro-US, and pro-imperialist, and were in fact agitating for capitalism, it is important to keep Lenin’s words regarding the Easter Rebellion in mind. At the time of the revolt, many of the “socialist” papers were doing the same thing the FRSO and PSL are doing now with the Iranian uprising. The Zimmerwald group called the Irish rebellion a “purely urban, petty-bourgeois movement, which, notwithstanding the sensation it caused, had not much social backing.”

In response, Lenin wrote:

“The centuries-old Irish national movement [...] manifested itself in street fighting conducted by a section of the urban petty bourgeoisie and a section of the workers after a long period of mass agitation, demonstrations, suppression of newspapers, etc. Whoever calls such a rebellion a ‘putsch’ is either a hardened reactionary, or a doctrinaire hopelessly incapable of envisaging a social revolution as a living phenomenon

To imagine that social revolution is conceivable without revolts by small nations in the colonies and in Europe, without revolutionary outbursts by a section of the petty bourgeoisie with all its prejudices, without a movement of the politically non-conscious proletarian and semi-proletarian masses against oppression by the landowners, the church, and the monarchy, against national oppression, etc.-to imagine all this is to repudiate social revolution. So one army lines up in one place and says, ‘We are for socialism,’ and another, somewhere else and says, ‘We are for imperialism,’ and that will he a social revolution! […] Whoever expects a ‘pure’ social revolution will never live to see it. Such a person pays lip-service to revolution without understanding what revolution is.”

No doubt there are other revisionist apologists out here who would ask me, “Well, what should the Chinese government have done?” How’s this for an answer: they should have died. Why do I, as a Marxist-Leninist, care what happens to a bunch of capitalist rulers? This is essentially the same as asking, “what should the US do in Afghanistan?” Simple answer: they should go to hell.

It is unfortunate that Fight Back! News, as well as the PSL and others, have chosen to finally and completely abandon Marxism and the revolution in order to protect a revisionist party defending capitalism in the sweatshop of the world. To imagine that the die-hard capitalist Deng Xiaoping was saving anything worth saving by rolling over the protesters with tanks is hopelessly idiotic.

I ask you dear reader: what is China? The magically harmonious society in which the Communist Party and the bourgeoisie join hands? Is that socialism? According to the FRSO, it looks like it.