The Coffee Marxist


Rectification
December 13, 2009, 2:57 pm
Filed under: Anti-Colonialism, Class Struggle, Common Sense, Countries

In a recent post of mine, and in particular other ones that may be scattered around this blog, I vocalized support for the uprisings in Iran. Some may call it opportunism or political immaturity, but let’s face it: dialectics teaches us that nothing ever stops changing and that conflict and contradiction is inherent in matter and essential for life as we know it.

At the time, I thought it might bring about a revolutionary situation in Iran by which socialism might take power, manifested by the Communist Parties in Iran. This was nothing more than a severe error and ultra-leftism on my part.

After careful study of those who support the protests—John McCain, the Tea-Baggers, the Trotskyites such as the SWP and ISO and other counterrevolutionaries—plus a recent reading of mine revealing the true comprador nature of the RIM puppet Communist Party of Iran (Maoist), I came to the obvious conclusion that is not a revolution, but a counter-revolution. More specifically, it is a counterrevolution aimed at bringing back the days of the Shah of Iran and liquidating the gains of the Islamic Revolution of 1979.

The Communist Party of Iran (Maoist) makes their intentions crystal clear in the document published by the RCP’s Revolution newspaper:

“It is clear that the people’s struggle should be focused against the main enemy, the IRI. As long as the IRI is in power, there cannot be any talk of aiming the struggle against the US and the regime equally” (1).

In line with this, I must announce that I do not support the reactionary, CIA-backed Color Revolution in Iran, and have not for many months now. It is a bourgeois, reactionary revolution made up of petty-bourgeois shopkeepers and well-to-do students in opposition to the Islamic Republic. It is a comprador, pro- Moussavi the commie-killer protest designed to take power for Moussavi through Zionist and American tanks.

I call upon all revolutionaries to ignore the television and oppose these protests. When police beat down anti-Iraqi-occupation protestors here, the television is silent. When the police beat down pro-US protestors overseas, it is treated as the worst horror ever portrayed on humanity.

I fully admit it: I was resolutely, absolutely, 100% wrong and I take back my former position. For those of you who I admonished for calling out the protests and the Color Revolution for what they were at the time, I sincerely apologize for any epitaphs I might have hurled at you.

I call on all Marxist-Leninists and revolutionaries to support the anti-imperialist government of Ahmadinejad and the Islamic Republic of Iran against CIA-backed coups.

For my Party’s position, follow this link:

http://theredphoenix.wordpress.com/2009/06/22/on-the-iranian-uprising-rebellion/

Sources:

1) http://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/countries/iran/iranspyweed2.txt



Thoughts on Postmodernist Attitudes
July 23, 2009, 11:04 am
Filed under: Art & Culture, Class Struggle, Literary Criticism

Kipling, Conrad and Robert Louis Stevenson all address the colonial experience through a hermetically sealed bubble of subjective, individual unreality. Alex Garland in The Beach, Chuck Palahniuk in Fight Club and Bret Easton Ellis in American Psycho all explore the emptiness of bourgeois ideology in modern urban man within this same bubble, frequently arriving at the most reactionary and hedonistic of places. Why are they reactionary?

Let’s take a novel as an example. Ellis’s novel The Rules of Attraction consists entirely of stream-of-consciousness rantings from a revolving door of different narrators. As might be expected, each narrator has his/her own voice and subjective take on things. The characters themselves are all incredibly empty and tainted by what can only be called “selfishness,” and they all find solace in hedonism through drug abuse and promiscuous sex. Do I even need to say all of them are secretly depressed and feel hollow, corrupted and lost?

What does this plot mean? Either this is supposed to be a representation of the state humanity under bourgeois ideology finds itself in (which would be a progressive work), or, more likely, it is meant to be a moralistic social critique of the state of young people today with the idea that they should “correct themselves” by falling back into the places alloted for them by the dominant social order.

Fight Club fares even worse. It starts off as an idealist “liberal” critique of consumerism, which then evolves into a promotion of primitivism and secular humanism, and then of course takes its petty-bourgeoisie ideas to their logical conclusion at the end, where it becomes an essentially fascist and militarist work.

Most entertainment today does this sort of thing—showing a world that has no meaning with all the class interests and prejudices that entails. What does this mean?

Never have intellectuals and artists displayed the hubris they show here, attributing to themselves the power to arbitrate all meaning. In the postmodernist movement, their celebration of complexity and ambiguity becomes a form of boundless egoism. Richness of meaning, which sounds good to most of us, cannot take the form of no limits on meaning, which would amount to meaninglessness.

For more information, see: Samuel Beckett. (Yes, ANY of his works.)

As Marx said, the dominant ideas of any era are the ideas of its ruling class. What does this culture say about the class nature of our society and what class interests does this movement represent? It is a petty-bourgeoisie, or small landowner or producer, way of thinking.

Why is this? Generally speaking, the petty-bourgeoisie, when tackling a problem, thinks in a subjective and one-sided way. He does not practice Marxist dialectics, which analyzes things concretely and rationally from every possible angle in order to get an objective and complete picture of reality, but instead starts from his own wishes, preconceived notions and subjective desires about how actual conditions should be. People who live in imperialist countries, intellectuals or more privileged strata of society (wealthier people, whites, petty-bourgeois) who are detached from the concrete conditions of reality often think in this way, because they have only book smarts and lack practical knowledge.

What the idealists, the postmodernists and the “free speech” advocates fail to understand is that a man’s mind is not his own. Who would deny that in each society throughout history man has operated in personal relations independent of their own will?

One of the chief discoveries of the science of Marxism, and materialism in general, is: it is not consciousness that determines reality, it is reality that determines consciousness. To imagine that the mind alone, in this case the individual mind, and the will, in this case that treasured idealist concept of the “free will,” can change reality based only on its own individual wishes is the most vulgar form of bourgeois and capitalist ideology.

How is this inherently capitalist ideology? Since subjectivism and relativism (“nothing is true, it’s all just in your mind”) is the logical ideology of late industrial capitalism, where individualism has taken its toll and everything becomes dependent on what you think, rather than what exists. This sort of thinking is also beneficial to capitalism, since it fuels the “I can make the world my own” attitude of the small producer.

This is reflected especially in the idea that scientific and materialist minds are somehow “intolerant” or “imposing” by subjecting others’ beliefs to the scientific method. This view ignores the fact that it doesn’t matter at all what one thinks of reality; what matters is what is objectively true and what is not.

The argument is frequently made that if the individual believes it hard enough or passionately enough, then it must be true. Hence, “religion is objectively true for religious people.”

Putting aside the fact that this so-called “objective truth” is therefore neither objective nor truth, this whole capitalist and postmodernist way of thinking digs its own grave.

To expand on this, here are a few key points to consider, that MUST be conceded:

  1. Reality functions and exists outside man’s own individual mind. This must be a given, since if one individual dies, reality does not cease to exist. Therefore reality is separate from the individual.

  2. Reality is not changed by the individual mind alone. If someone is falling from a cliff, wishing it is not so does not make it stop. Similarly, no matter how hard you wish it, you cannot push your hand through a solid wood table. You can imagine it, but the fact remains that your molecules repel the molecules of the wood. Even if you got two people together, one who admitted he could not pass through walls, and one who was absolutely convinced he could, the fact could still be shown objectively that both of them were incapable of it. The man who believed he could pass through walls would not be able, materially, to cross into the next room.

  3. If reality is separate from the individual mind, and is not affected by it, we must then admit that the two can disagree and be completely parallel.

  4. If we admit that the two can disagree, then there must be such a thing as concrete objective truth and mere fantasy. If the desires of the mind were the same as reality, then they could never be separate.

  5. Therefore, what is true and existing can only be measured not in wishes, but in matter.

  6. Finally, if all of the above is true, then we must say that not everything the individual mind believes is true, and that in order to be proved true it must pass the scientific method.

From these points, we can see that there are perceptions that are correct, right and actually existing, and there are those that are incorrect and not actually existing.

Logically, if something cannot be weighed or measured, it does not exist. Otherwise the very concept of “not existing” becomes moot, since the sole definition of “not existing” hinges on not being able to prove that it DOES exist.

Why? Because it is impossible to prove a negative. It is impossible for me to prove that something can’t be done. Likewise, it is impossible to prove that something does not exist. So the only definition that there can be for not existing is the absence of proof that it does exist.

For example, it would be impossible for me to prove that there are not pink dragons flying everywhere, except for me to point out the absence of material evidence: no sight of them, no feeling of wind from their wings.

Conclusion: the capitalist ideas of relativism and postmodernism are bankrupt. Reality exists outside the individual mind, and there are right ideas and wrong ideas, as well as true and false ideas.



FRSO Sells Out Marxism-Leninism For Good

Freedom Road Socialist Organization is an odd duck in the cesspool of myriad revisionist parties currently residing comfortably in the US, what with its awkward name, logo worthy of some sort of Marxist Dr. Seuss parody and opportunist zigzagging line worthy of the CP-USA. FRSO has a long history of being left-refoundationist and finding political struggles far too complex and sectarian to consider. Take, for example, this excerpt from a blog of theirs:

“Why was the movement divided into so many different organizations and why were there so many splits? [….] The movement considered “anti-revisionist” Marxism-Leninism to be the only genuine revolutionary framework. It insisted upon a controversial [!] interpretation of communist history which considered the Soviet CP (and allied parties) revolutionary under Stalin but ‘revisionist’ since the time of Khrushchev. It embraced an ‘orthodox’ model of the ‘party of a new type’ in which there could be only a single vanguard in any given country and the writings of Stalin and Mao were looked to for guidance about how to practice democratic centralism, handle inner-party differences, determine relations with ‘non-party’ groups and individuals, etc. A significant section of the movement (including all of FRSO’s predecessor organizations) adopted even more specific views: They [...] argued that the post-Stalin USSR had restored capitalism and become a ’social imperialist’ superpower.”

The language here doesn’t really say what is WRONG with that view, but it pretty obviously says that the FRSO doesn’t hold that (correct) view, since this paragraph goes to great lengths to show that their “predecessors” did. It seems Marxism-Leninism of the non-revisionist type is utterly bewildering to Freedom Road—perhaps that is why they endorsed Obama and promote Chavez’s reformist “21st Century Socialism” program. The fact that they felt the need to put sarcastic quotation marks around words like “revisionism” and “social-imperialism,” as if these words meant nothing doesn’t say much for their theoretical chops either.

FRSO is a pathetic sect that can be described as belonging to the new “pan-socialist” movement that is sadly gaining strength with the recent decline of Maoism. Other parties in this pan-socialist movement include the Party For Socialism and Liberation (PSL) and Workers’ World Party (WWP).

First off, let me say I really have no idea what separates these three groups. All of them seem to have about the exact same political line on most issues: they support ANYONE who has ever called themselves “socialist,” from Trotsky, to Gorbachev, to Luxemburg to Ho Chi Minh.

Among other very alarming positions, they:

  1. Support Soviet social-imperialism, or outright deny the existence of revisionism.

  2. Are pro-USSR even up to Gorby.

  3. Are apologists for Khrushchev and Brezhnev, and their invasions of Hungary, Czechoslovakia and (yes) Afghanistan.

  4. Claim that modern China is a socialist nation.

  5. Support Cuba and the DPRK models of Marxism-Leninism and as fully socialist (and not revisionist) nations.

  6. Support the Chinese military against the protesters at Tienanmen Square.

  7. Support the reactionary government of Milosevic and claim the Kosovo independence movement was “social-fascist” and backed by the NATO bloc.

  8. Support the Janjaweed militia in Sudan.

  9. Support Obama for president. (The PSL did not take this position, since they had a candidate running for president. One wonders what they would’ve done had they not.)

The list of opportunist positions just goes on and on. These movements are simply obsessed with choosing one corrupt force against another in every situation, and always allying with the “better” of two opposing bourgeois or reactionary forces. This is not to say such positions are always wrong. Some compromise with the bourgeoisie is necessary even in revolutionary situation and even under socialism itself. But the point is that these parties almost never do it in a correct way.

The PSL, FRSO and WWP refuse to draw any theoretical lines as to correct practice, and thus end up on the side of the bourgeoisie in almost every case. This can be seen literally, in their calls for communists and workers to unite with the ruling cliques of certain countries they label as “anti-imperialist,” even if a social revolution is imminent. This is not even done in the name of the national right to self-determination, but in the name of it being better for the working class.

As a perfect example, look at their article on the anniversary of Tienanmen:

http://www.frso.org/about/statements/2009/looking-back-at-tiananmen-square.htm

Why exactly would a so-called “Marxist-Leninist” party support and ally with a capitalist ruling clique and their military junta against the masses of people? Your guess is as good as mine. The author argues that it was right for the Chinese government to suppress the movement, as it “aimed at overthrowing socialism and restoring capitalism.” It is simply absurd to claim that China was socialist in 1989. Anyone who does has no idea what socialism is.

There are those so-called “socialists” out there who will always defend a revisionist country when it comes time to defend Marxism-Leninism. These types usually side with the revisionist government, claiming that they are “preserving what is left of the revolution.” This is essentially a Trotskyite argument that has a lot in common with the concept of “deformed workers’ state.” Trotsky too, didn’t believe in revisionism nor social-imperialism. He held the metaphysical world outlook that revisionist nations could magically go back to being Marxist-Leninist any day now.

Indeed, it seems the FRSO and Mick Kelly’s analysis just shows the absolute stupidity in “defending socialism” when China was never a Marxist-Leninist nation, even under Mao.

When faced with the doubtless fact that many of the protesters were, in fact, bourgeois liberals, and pro-US, and pro-imperialist, and were in fact agitating for capitalism, it is important to keep Lenin’s words regarding the Easter Rebellion in mind. At the time of the revolt, many of the “socialist” papers were doing the same thing the FRSO and PSL are doing now with the Iranian uprising. The Zimmerwald group called the Irish rebellion a “purely urban, petty-bourgeois movement, which, notwithstanding the sensation it caused, had not much social backing.”

In response, Lenin wrote:

“The centuries-old Irish national movement [...] manifested itself in street fighting conducted by a section of the urban petty bourgeoisie and a section of the workers after a long period of mass agitation, demonstrations, suppression of newspapers, etc. Whoever calls such a rebellion a ‘putsch’ is either a hardened reactionary, or a doctrinaire hopelessly incapable of envisaging a social revolution as a living phenomenon

To imagine that social revolution is conceivable without revolts by small nations in the colonies and in Europe, without revolutionary outbursts by a section of the petty bourgeoisie with all its prejudices, without a movement of the politically non-conscious proletarian and semi-proletarian masses against oppression by the landowners, the church, and the monarchy, against national oppression, etc.-to imagine all this is to repudiate social revolution. So one army lines up in one place and says, ‘We are for socialism,’ and another, somewhere else and says, ‘We are for imperialism,’ and that will he a social revolution! […] Whoever expects a ‘pure’ social revolution will never live to see it. Such a person pays lip-service to revolution without understanding what revolution is.”

No doubt there are other revisionist apologists out here who would ask me, “Well, what should the Chinese government have done?” How’s this for an answer: they should have died. Why do I, as a Marxist-Leninist, care what happens to a bunch of capitalist rulers? This is essentially the same as asking, “what should the US do in Afghanistan?” Simple answer: they should go to hell.

It is unfortunate that Fight Back! News, as well as the PSL and others, have chosen to finally and completely abandon Marxism and the revolution in order to protect a revisionist party defending capitalism in the sweatshop of the world. To imagine that the die-hard capitalist Deng Xiaoping was saving anything worth saving by rolling over the protesters with tanks is hopelessly idiotic.

I ask you dear reader: what is China? The magically harmonious society in which the Communist Party and the bourgeoisie join hands? Is that socialism? According to the FRSO, it looks like it.



Black Book of Capitalism

Keep in mind this does not include stats from the 1,000,000 or so killed and the millions of others displaced in the current US invasion of Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia.

  • Slavery of blacks in the 17th and 18th centuries: 10,000,000
  • Liquidation of the Indians of America from 1500 to 1860: 70,000,000
  • Crimean War: 252,000
  • (Fr and GB counter Russia) in 1854:
    Russians: 100,000
    French: 93,000
    English: 22,000
    Tricks: 35,000
    Piedmontese: 2,000
  • American Civil War 1860-1865: 617,000
  • War of 1870 (France against Germans): 220,000
  • Crushing of the Commune of Paris in 1871: 20,000
  • Colonization of Algeria by the French in 1840: 10,000
  • Colonization of Africa by the French in the 19th century: 112,000
  • Colonization of Congo by the Belgians in the 19th century: 1,000,000
  • War the United States – Spain in 1898: 100,000
  • War of Boers in South Africa in 1900: 57,000
    Boers: 35,000
    English: 22,000
  • War 1914-1918: 10,000,000
  • War of Spain 1936-1939: 410,000
  • War 1939-1945: 50,000,000
  • Repression of the army in Madagascar in 1948: 80,000
  • War of Algeria: 380 000
    Algerians: 350,000
    French: 30,000
  • Vietnam War: 3,107,000
    • Vietminh: 500,000
      Fr: 100,000
      Civil: 1,000,000
    • Vietcong: 750,000
      Americans: 57,000
      Southerners: 200,000
      Civil: 500,000
  • Anti-communist repression in Indonesia in 1965: 500,000
  • Repression of May 1968 in France: 4
  • Massacre of students in Mexico City avt J.O. of 1968: 400
  • War of Biafra 1966-1969: 1,000,000
  • Pinochet’s Dictatorship in Chile 1973-1990: 3,167
  • Dictatorship in Argentina 1976-1982: 30,000
  • Escadrond: 50,000
  • Guatemala and Salvador 1975 – 2,000
  • War of the Falklands: 1,005
    England-Argentina in 1982
  • Industrial accident in Bhopal (India) in 1984: 2,900
  • War of the Gulf in 1991: 160,022
    • Iraqi: 160,000
    • Allies: 22

Total: 147,387,051



Eliot’s Alienation

A modernist exercise in capitalist angst, T.S. Eliot’s famous masterpiece “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock” at once exposes the crumbling of bourgeoisie society and the utter disintegration of its culture as a meaningful epoch. Considered by many to be the first modernist poem, its verses certainly carve out a splendid picture of the isolation and contempt for the status quo that marks modernist and postmodernist literature. More than that, it illustrates the emptiness and superficiality of class society through the middle-class male persona of the narrator, who is kept nameless but is presumably Eliot himself speaking through a fictional character.

The sense of being lost begins with the quotation at the beginning of the poem. Translated, it reads: “If I thought my answer were to one who could ever return to the world, this flame would move no more; but since no one has ever returned alive from this depth, if what I hear be true, without fear of infamy I answer you.” The quote, which comes from Dante’s Divine Comedy, is originally spoken by a lost soul in hell. This gives quite a first impression of the emotions to come from the main body of the poem.

In the first stanza, when the narrator asks a person, presumably a woman, to accompany him on a stroll through the streets of downtown, already the man’s thoughts have drifted to the decay of class society. He describes “half-deserted streets,” “restless nights in one-night cheap hotels,” and “streets that follow like a tedious argument/ of insidious intent.” This continues throughout-everything around him seems to be molding, rotting and rusting. Most revealing is his description of “sawdust restaurants with oyster-shells,” a contrast between the perceived “low-class” imagery of sawdust on the floors of a restaurant and the “high-class” imagery of the oysters on a half-shell. The narrator hates the upper-crust and empty society of London. This is significant, since in real life Eliot tried to escape such a culture, but his greedy wife lured him back in by insisting he get a “real” job other than writing.

The couplet, “In the room the women come and go/ talking of Michelangelo,” is repeated over and over at various stages in the poem, showing the two-fold mindset of wanting attention from women and fearing to get it, and criticizing the pretentiousness of the refined. The narrator realizes throughout that bourgeoisie capitalist culture, that is, the culture of the dominant class, expressed these days through advertising and television, is vapid, hollow and worth nothing. Even the aristocrat women of such a culture are worthless to him, which he reveal when he says, “And I have known the arms already, known them all/ arms that are braceleted and white and bare/ [but in the lamplight, downed with light brown hair!]” He notices the flaws of these shallow women, in this case the arm hair, which become symbolic for the larger imperfections of the social order they represent. He is even hesitant to participate in the classy activity of “taking toast and tea,” and in fact seems to find it reprehensive.

Not only does our narrator criticize the culture of the society itself, and the people which make up that society, but he also condemns the unsavory pillars which uphold that society. “The yellow fog that rubs its back upon the window-panes” can be interpreted to be either (or both) mustard gas and sickening smog. In another time-honored modernist tool, Eliot seemingly parodies the insanity of imperialist war and capitalist pollution with these images, two things which have helped give rise to the society he so hates.

Nevertheless, he saves his most biting criticisms for himself. He imagines himself as a foolish and aging old man, unable to command even the small amount of respect from women he has already: With a bald spot in the middle of my hair/ [they will say: 'How his hair is growing thin!']” He speaks in subtle code about his lost sexual performance as an old man when he asks himself, “Should I, after tea and cakes and ices/ have the strength to force the moment to its crisis?” It is in this section of the poem that his pack of insecurities comes to a head with him claiming to have, “seen the moment of my greatness flicker” and to have “seen the eternal Footman hold my coat, and snicker.” The eternal Footman in this context is probably death, personified by the grim reaper, handing him his coat-an activity normally reserved for when one is about to depart-in order that he may “depart” from his life.

His anxiety peaks with the famous statement, “Do I dare disturb the universe?” from which the poem switches moods. The narrator’s fears become free-floating and ever sharper, as he questions whether it is worth it to be bold or if life itself is pointless. He asks himself if it “would be worth it” if he should end up having to say: “that is not what I meant at all. That is not it, at all.” He fears mistakes he will make and anticipates the ways in which the woman he desires will misunderstand him. His insecurity, which in itself is a social construct of the system he despises, knows no bounds. “No!” he claims, “I am not Prince Hamlet, nor was meant to be/ am an attendant lord, one that will do/ To swell a progress, start a scene or two/ advise the prince; no doubt, an easy tool/ deferential, glad to be of use/ politic, cautious, and meticulous/ full of high sentence, but a bit obtuse/ at times, indeed, almost ridiculous- almost, at times, the Fool.” He feels he is not good enough or brave enough to be the hero character of fable, the knight in shining armor. This shows betrays a patriarchal mindset in which he, the male lead role, is the virtuous hero of the story who is the center of attention and praise, another social construct which is programmed into men as being the most ideal by bourgeoisie culture.

Finally, the world the poem has constructed so far abruptly collapses. There is suddenly no more talk of the city, or of culture, or of the narrator himself taking a walk with the woman he is with. He bemoans his fate of aging one last time with the line, “I grow old…I grow old…I shall wear the bottoms of my trousers rolled,” this time talking in present tense, as if all hope is already lost. The scene changes to a fantasy of the narrator’s where he is walking along a peaceful beach with singing mermaids. Yet, even in this beautiful imaginary setting, our storyteller has no control over his own life or his surroundings. “I have heard the mermaids singing, each to each” he says, “I do not think that they will sing to me.” Even in fantasy, he is marked with hopelessness and loneliness.

Finally, wading into the ocean of his pretend world, he says, “We have lingered in the chambers of the sea/ by sea-girls wreathed with seaweed red and brown/ till human voices wake us, and we drown.” He realizes real human voices must eventually awaken him from this dream world, and once again he feels lost. The poem ends with the disturbing imagery of drowning, which has the symbolic meaning of the narrator drowning in his raging insecurities about everyday life, aging, and of his sexual advances towards women being turned down, even in dreams. Eliot’s poem leaks cynicism, wit and anxiety in its carefully crafted stanzas.