The Coffee Marxist


Rectification
December 13, 2009, 2:57 pm
Filed under: Anti-Colonialism, Class Struggle, Common Sense, Countries

In a recent post of mine, and in particular other ones that may be scattered around this blog, I vocalized support for the uprisings in Iran. Some may call it opportunism or political immaturity, but let’s face it: dialectics teaches us that nothing ever stops changing and that conflict and contradiction is inherent in matter and essential for life as we know it.

At the time, I thought it might bring about a revolutionary situation in Iran by which socialism might take power, manifested by the Communist Parties in Iran. This was nothing more than a severe error and ultra-leftism on my part.

After careful study of those who support the protests—John McCain, the Tea-Baggers, the Trotskyites such as the SWP and ISO and other counterrevolutionaries—plus a recent reading of mine revealing the true comprador nature of the RIM puppet Communist Party of Iran (Maoist), I came to the obvious conclusion that is not a revolution, but a counter-revolution. More specifically, it is a counterrevolution aimed at bringing back the days of the Shah of Iran and liquidating the gains of the Islamic Revolution of 1979.

The Communist Party of Iran (Maoist) makes their intentions crystal clear in the document published by the RCP’s Revolution newspaper:

“It is clear that the people’s struggle should be focused against the main enemy, the IRI. As long as the IRI is in power, there cannot be any talk of aiming the struggle against the US and the regime equally” (1).

In line with this, I must announce that I do not support the reactionary, CIA-backed Color Revolution in Iran, and have not for many months now. It is a bourgeois, reactionary revolution made up of petty-bourgeois shopkeepers and well-to-do students in opposition to the Islamic Republic. It is a comprador, pro- Moussavi the commie-killer protest designed to take power for Moussavi through Zionist and American tanks.

I call upon all revolutionaries to ignore the television and oppose these protests. When police beat down anti-Iraqi-occupation protestors here, the television is silent. When the police beat down pro-US protestors overseas, it is treated as the worst horror ever portrayed on humanity.

I fully admit it: I was resolutely, absolutely, 100% wrong and I take back my former position. For those of you who I admonished for calling out the protests and the Color Revolution for what they were at the time, I sincerely apologize for any epitaphs I might have hurled at you.

I call on all Marxist-Leninists and revolutionaries to support the anti-imperialist government of Ahmadinejad and the Islamic Republic of Iran against CIA-backed coups.

For my Party’s position, follow this link:

http://theredphoenix.wordpress.com/2009/06/22/on-the-iranian-uprising-rebellion/

Sources:

1) http://www.prisoncensorship.info/archive/etext/countries/iran/iranspyweed2.txt



Refuting Ludo Martens

This article is not my work. It was originally printed in the journal of the ICMLPO (Unity & Struggle) in the May 2008 issue #16. It was published under the title “Concerning Certain Distortions of Stalin’s Work and L. Martens Revisionist View of Socialism.” You can find it here: http://anasintaxi-en.blogspot.com/search/label/Ludo%20Martens. It appears here with no alteration.

Issue Cover

Issue Cover

It has been more than ten years since the book “Another view of Stalin” by Ludo Martens was published. This book was hailed by many unsuspected and well intentioned communists all over the world as an “excellent pro-Stalin book”. However, at the same time a number of Khruschevian revisionist and opportunist parties that have traditionally adopted an anti-Stalinist line advertised and promoted the book in many ways. Taking into account the virtually unchanged ideological and political line of all these parties, Marxists-Leninists-Stalinists should be suspicious about the “sudden” urge to publish a book about Stalin. Indeed, a careful look at the contents of this book we will find out that, at least, in three very fundamental questions, the answers to which delineate Marxists-Leninists-Stalinists from Khrushchevian revisionists, Martens maintains essentially revisionist views.

Question of Stalin: The question of Stalin, that is, the revolutionary theoretical and practical work of the great communist leader of the world proletariat and classic of Marxism, has been, since the middle of 1920s, at the centre of a sharp ideological-political struggle between the revolutionary communists and all kinds of counter-revolutionaries (social democrats, Trotskyites, anarchists, titoists, Kruschevians and others). All the fundamental issues of socialism and the revolution come down to this. It marks the boundary that separates the real Marxists-Leninists and all kinds of revisionists and opportunists.
In the first and most important question of the revolutionary movement, the question of Stalin, to which all the fundamental issues of socialism and the revolution come down to, Ludo Martens propagates, not the crude anti-Stalinism of Khrushchev, but a more refined and camouflaged version that appeared in the communist movement between the mid-50’s and the beginning of 60’s, namely the “mistakes’ theory”. The latter is usually comes from various “anti-Khrushchevian” opportunists and it is formulated in certain clichι phrases such as: “Stalin was great but he made mistakes”. It is exactly this “mistakes’ theory”, of an allegedly “left orientation”, that is adopted by L. Martens in his “criticisms” of Stalin and exposed in the chapter “Weaknesses in the struggle against opportunism”.

In this context, Ludo Martens blames Stalin that “this struggle was not done to the extent that was necessary”, that “he was not able to formulate a consistent theory explaining how classes and the class struggle persist in a socialist society”(!) that he “had not completely understood that after the disappearance of the economic basis of capitalist and feudal exploitation, that there would still exist in the Soviet Union fertile ground for bourgeois currents”(!), that Stalin “was not able to formulate a theory about the struggle between the two lines in the Party” and “did not appreciate” the dangers of “bureaucracy and technocratism” and many other things that Stalin “was not able to do…,understand” etc.

But if there was any grain of truth in any these accusations related to Stalin’s views on the most fundamental question of the revolutionary communist movement, namely the one of socialism-communism, any person of good intentions would ask the following: in which, then, questions Stalin developed Marxism-Leninism further if not in this question and how can he be considered a classic of Marxism since he “committed”, according to his critics, so grave “mistakes” in such fundamental, theoretical and practical, questions of the communist movement?

Question of socialism: Stalin, as a Marxist, had, first and most importantly, a scientific view of socialism and, secondly, approached the question of the construction of socialism-communism in a materialistic, historic-dialectic way in contrast to all the representatives of the various bourgeois-revisionist currents. He understood the construction of socialism – the first stage of the communist society which constitutes a period of class struggle that is inevitable as long as classes still exist during which the dictatorship of the proletariat is absolutely necessary” (Lenin) – as a long process of revolutionary transformations that passes through different phases of historical development wherein a class struggle is waged in all levels that becomes sharper as the construction of socialism proceeds. The transition period from capitalism to communism, as Lenin pointed out, “cannot be but a period of struggle between the dying capitalism and the newborn communism or in other words: between the defeated but not yet liquidated capitalism and the, new born but still very weak, communism”.

Ludo Martens, as mentioned above, blames Stalin that “he was not able to formulate a consistent theory explaining how classes and the class struggle persist in a socialist society”.

First of all, the theory of the “persistence of classes” in socialism even after its economic basis has been constructed, is an anti-Marxist, bourgeois theory because: in the first place, it contains the bourgeois revisionist view of socialism according to which the exploiting classes and the proletariat will be preserved; in the second place it revises the Marxist-Leninist theory of the classes when it maintains that there can be exploiting classes without private property, that is, after the construction of socialism’s economic basis and in the third place it completely contradicts the final goal of the revolutionary communist movement which is the liquidation of all exploiting classes in socialism and, subsequently, of all classes in communism.

Contrary to the groundless attack of Martens, it is obvious that Stalin, as a Marxist, neither had formulated, nor could he have done so, a theory on “how classes persist in a socialist society”, that is, a bourgeois-revisionist theory because it would directly oppose the theory of scientific socialism-communism. On the contrary, he followed and put into practise the Marxist theory on the liquidation of the exploiting classes in socialism and, subsequently, of all the classes in communism. This liquidation proceeds gradually and it is completed together with the construction of the economic basis of socialism, that is, with the establishment of the social ownership on the means of production in the form of state- and kolkhoz-cooperative property and the transition to the unified type of communist property.

Persistence of the exploiting classes in socialism after the construction of its economic basis? By purporting the theory “on how the classes persist in a socialist society”, L. Martens doesn’t specify either which classes (exploiting or not) or which exactly historical stage of the socialist society (before or after the construction of its economic basis) he is referring to; this is an characteristic example of the anti-historical, anti-dialectic approach of socialism. It is obvious, however, that he means the persistence of the exploiting classes after the construction of its economic basis, and concerning the Soviet Union, in particular, he refers to the phase after the Constitution of 1936 was voted when Stalin pointed out that in this phase “all the exploiting classes were liquidated, leaving the working class, the peasants and the intellectuals” (I.V. Stalin “Questions of Leninism).

Stalin in his report on the Draft Constitution of USSR (1936), having scientifically analyzed the new economic, social, class reality of the socialist Soviet Union, rightly concluded that the country’s class structure had changed since the 1924 the year the then Soviet Constitution was established: “The landlord class, as you know, had already been eliminated as a result of the victorious conclusion of the Civil War. As for the other exploiting classes, they have shared the fate of the landlord class. The capitalist class in the sphere of industry has ceased to exist. The kulak class in the sphere of agriculture has ceased to exist. And the merchants and profiteers in the sphere of trade have ceased to exist. Thus all the exploiting classes have now been eliminated. There remains the working class. There remain the peasants. There remains the intelligentsia”.

The above extract from the report should convince even the most recalcitrant opportunist that Stalin doesn’t talk about “absence of classes” or “elimination of classes” in the Soviet Union of that period but only about elimination of the exploiting classes, of landlords, capitalists, kulaks, merchants-profiteers whereas the classes of workers, the peasants, and intelligentsia remained.

It is necessary to emphasize that Stalin’s analysis of the Soviet Union’s society at that time is the only one carried out on Marxist lines and its scientific conclusion is absolutely correct, that exploiting and antagonistic classes neither existed nor could exist since they had been deprived of the means of production: there are no that exploiting and antagonistic classes without the existence of capitalist property on the means of production. “With the term bourgeois class we mean the class of modern capitalists who own the means of social production and exploit wage labour. With the term proletariat we mean the class of modern wage labourers who sell their labour power in order to survive since they don’t possess no means of production at all” (Engels).

In the Soviet Union of that period, there were no antagonistic classes but remnants of exploiting classes and the new bourgeois elements that inevitably appear during the transition period from capitalism to communism. Of course, it is perfectly possible that the numerous remnants of the exploiting classes and the bourgeois elements (which are not classes according to the Marxist since they had lost their domination in the means of production) can form illegal organisations and wage their struggle against socialism-communism in a coordinated way and in increasingly acute forms.

It is therefore obvious that when the revisionist L. Martens attacks Stalin blaming him that he hasn’t formulated a “theory on how the classes persist” in socialism, in essence, he criticises him for applying the Marxist theory on liquidation of the exploiting classes in the course of socialist construction instead of the bourgeois theory on the “persistence of the classes” (in other words, of the exploiting classes)!

The class struggle during socialism. L. Martens falsely claims that Stalin didn’t formulate a theory explaining “how class struggle persist in a socialist society” when, as known to everybody, the theory maintaining the continuation of class struggle in socialism had already had already been enunciated by Lenin – “the dictatorship of the proletariat is period of class struggle which is inevitable as long the classes are not liquidated” – and it was defended and further developed by Stalin who stressed that “the progress we make, the more successes we achieve, the sharper forms of struggle these remnants (of the exploiting classes) will adopt, the more harm they are going to cause to the Soviet State, the more desperate methods of struggle they are going to employ, as the last resort of people doomed to disappear”.

Consequently, the further development of the theory maintaining the continuation of class struggle in socialism by Stalin lies in the thesis that the more socialist construction advances, the sharper the class struggle becomes, a thesis that was fully confirmed by the historical course of USSR when, following Stalin’s death, the dictatorship of the proletariat was overthrown.

When the opportunist L. Martens claims that Stalin “thought that the class struggle in the ideological sphere would continue for a long time”, he distorts his thesis even more: first because he restricts the class struggle only in the ideological sphere and second because he rejects the thesis of the sharpening of the class struggle with the advance of socialist construction.

But this is not sufficient for L. Martens since, as we saw, he makes the provocatively false claim that Stalin allegedly didn’t even have a theory on “how class struggle persist in a socialist society”, obviously implying that he allegedly deviated from Leninism, that is, he had abandoned the theory of class struggle already formulated by Lenin!

Another claim made by L. Martens is that “this struggle was not done to the extent that was necessary” and that “after 1945, the struggle against opportunism was restricted to the highest circles of the Party”, rendering, thus, Stalin responsible for the appearance of revisionism which is refuted by the activity of the Bolshevik Party during that period: first, during the war and afterwards, the Bolshevik Party headed by Stalin waged a continuous ideological-political struggle against the bourgeois-revisionist ideology and the various degenerate phenomena; there are the well-known party decisions and wide discussions held on questions of art-literature (1946), philosophy (1943 and 1947), political economy (1947-1952), music (1948), linguistics (1950) etc. Second, the revisionist counter-revolution didn’t prevail during Stalin’s lifetime but after his death. Stalin’s great historical contribution to the construction of socialism lies in the scientific analysis of the competitive and the non-competitive contradictions in the soviet socialist society and the successful and victorious waging of the class struggle against the internal and external enemies, preventing thus the restoration of capitalism.

We conclude with two brief observations: the one has to do with Martens’ claim that Stalin “was not able to formulate a theory about the struggle between the two lines in the Party” and the other with the claim that he “had not completely understood the dangers emanating from bureaucracy”. Regarding the first claim, we note that Stalin as a Marxist could have never formulated a revisionist theory “about the struggle between the two lines in the Party” which presupposes the existence of two factions in a party and, as a result, leads to the negation of the revolutionary party of a new type defended by Stalin. A revolutionary, communist party has only one line: the Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist line and fights all revisionist, opportunist deviations. As for the second claim, there is nothing to be said except that it emits the unpleasant odour of Trotskyism.

The question of the dictatorship of the proletariat. As all the “anti-Khrushchevian” versions of contemporary revisionism, Ludo Martens doesn’t raise the issue of the overthrow of the dictatorship of the proletariat after Stalin’s death and in combination with the 20th Congress of the CPSU – the first and absolutely necessary condition for the gradual restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union. It is more than obvious of every Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist that the open, official domination of the Khrushchevian revisionist counter-revolution was preceded by the violent overthrow of the dictatorship of the proletariat and its replacement with a bourgeois-revisionist dictatorship. Domination of the Khrushchevian revisionist is tantamount to the overthrow of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the ousting of the working class from power, the beginning of the capitalist restoration. The overthrow of the dictatorship of the proletariat was ratified by the 20th Congress and the counter-revolutionary, social-democratic line it adopted.

Question of the capitalist restoration. L.Martens, just like the “K”KE leadership, regards the period of Khrushchev-Brezhnev, the period of capitalist restoration in the Soviet Union, as a period of “socialist construction” and believes that the breach with socialism took place in the Gorbachev era. He writes that it is only the 28th Congress, on July 1990, that “clearly affirms a rupture with socialism and a return to capitalism”. At the end of his book, after having quoted an excerpt from the “History of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of the USSR” in which, among others, is mentioned that “it is from within that fortresses are more easily captured”, Martens makes the following comment: “thus Stalin had foreseen what would happen to the Soviet Union the day a Gorbachev or a Yeltsin entered the Politburo”. This comment is quite indicative and revealing because it confirms the fact that L. Martens is identified with “K”KE leadership on this important issue.

But the communists, the Marxists-Leninists-Stalinists, know very well that the fortress was captured from within not in the time of Gorbachev and Yeltsin, who are anyway legal “heirs” of Khrushchev and Brezhnev, but almost 40 years earlier, after Stalin’s death, by the agents of international imperialism Khrushchev, Mikoyan, Brezhnev, Kuusinen, Suslov and others. Moreover, contrary to the claims of the Belgian revisionist “the breach with socialism” – first in the level of political power, and subsequently in other levels – didn’t take place in the 28th Congress (1990) but shortly after Stalin’s death and this breach was officially inaugurated in the 20th Congress which paved the way for the gradual liquidation of the socialist productive relations, through the introduction of capitalist reforms, and restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union.

There is nothing paradoxical that the parties of Khruschevian revisionism – including “K”KE – have published and promoted the book of the Belgian revisionist L. Martens. Essentially, it expresses their own views on the questions of Stalin, socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Without abandoning any of these views, they found an opportunity to wear a “pro-stalin” mask. The “K”KE in particular, was unmistakeably carrying out its class mission – as it was when it funded the publication of D. Volgogonov’s anti-Stalinist abortion “Triumph and tragedy” in 1989 – assigned one of its chief ideologues, Eleni Bellou, to conclude the book review in “Rizospastis” with a lengthy presentation of the infamous “mistakes theory”.

Even within the current of contemporary revisionism – expressed in the “mistakes theory” – the views L. Martens are clinging to the right. This is shown by the criticism that these views received by a party that belongs to the same ideological current as L. Martens’ Workers’ Party of Belgium, namely the Marxist-Leninist Party of Germany (MLPD). Stefan Engel writes:

”To pose the question of power – dictatorship of the bourgeoisie or the proletariat – is tantamount, for L. Martens, to the “scholastic restriction of reality. In this way, he rejects the ABC of Marxism. Lenin clearly emphasized that “there can be nothing intermediate between the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Any dream for something else is a petty bourgeois attitude. The vacillating character of the petty bourgeois thinking is typical for neorevisionism, When Gorbachev appeared in 1985, the petty bourgeois immediately promoted him. In total euphoria, L.Martens got attached to this current writing, in 1991, that “in this ideological confusion comrade Gorbachev emerged; he unleashed himself like a hurricane all over the hibernating country to steer up the dormant consciousness of the people” (Ludo Martens, “The USSR and the velvet counter-revolution”).

“The bedazzled L. Martens used this chance in order to introduce a new appraisal for the Soviet Union after 1956 and to revise the programmatic basis of the Workers’ Party of Belgium declaring that: ”New appraisal means also to take into account that the economic basis and the core of the political structure remained socialist despite the influence of the dominant revisionism. New appraisal means, finally, to take into account the possibility of a positive development, of a Marxist-Leninist rebirth”(ibid)

“When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, neorevisionists regarded Gorbachev as the main culprit. But Gorbachev didn’t bring the restoration of capitalism, as the Workers’ Party of Belgium argues. Rather, it is the restoration of capitalism itself that brought Gorbachev. He completed the capitalist restoration and took openly the side of the international social democracy. Neorevisionism covers up the fact that the restoration of capitalism started in Khrushchev’s time”.

“According to L. Martens: it is possible today to get over the divisions among the Marxist-Leninist parties, broken up in pro-Soviet, pro-Chinese, pro-Albanian and pro-Cuban factions and achieve their re-unification”. Such a conglomeration is doomed to fail” (Stefan Engel: Der Kampf um die Demkweise in der Arbeiterbewengung, Essen)

“Concerning the defeat of socialism, the contemporary revisionists reproduced the bourgeois propaganda: For Erich Honecker, it was “the greatest defeat of the worker’s movement in global scale”, for the former president of the German Communist Party Herbert Mis it was “the greatest defeat of socialism” and for the president of Workers’ Party of Belgium Ludo Martens it was “an important regression for the communist and progressive forces al over the world” (Stefan Engel: Der Kampf um die Demkweise in der Arbeiterbewengung, Essen).

In a speech in Wuppertall (May 9th, 2002) Stefan Engel underlines that: “A variety of multi-colored currents of revisionism exists all of which we have summed up under the term neo-revisionism.

Thus the leader of the Party of Labor of Belgium (PTB), Ludo Martens, in an adventurous explanation, says on the times subsequent to the Twentieth CPSU Party Congress:

This great strength of the socialist system could still be felt even when the party leadership chose the path of revisionism, that is, the path of the progressing renunciation of Marxism-Leninism. In 1975, the Soviet Union had reached the peak of its power …, but this power was already thoroughly undermined by the ideological and political currents which were soon to destroy it. Breshnevism is the continuation of a great strength inherited by Stalin and, simultaneously, an ideological and political degeneration which deepened progressively and which resulted in the complete destruction of socialism under Gorbachev. (“Leonid I. Brezhnev and the National-Democratic Revolution,” p. 1; our translation from the German)

What an absurd theory!

On the one hand, the CPSU party leadership is said to gave gone the path of revisionism since 1956. On the other hand, the Soviet Union, in spite of this, could remain a socialist country and even gain strength until 1975. This means: socialism can exist and take a positive development even on the basis of revisionism.

This is not a Marxist-Leninist analysis, this is saying farewell to Marxism-Leninism, Mr. Martens!”

Concluding, we want to underline once again that Ludo Martens is a neorevisionist, anti-Stalinist (“mistakes’ theory”) that has developed as a prima ballerina of the international Khruschevian revisionism and supports counter-revolutionary reactonary positions such as that “Parties who used to belong to different tendencies, who support the positions of Mao Zedong or Brezhnev, of Che Guevara or Enver Hoxha, can unite on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, proletarian internationalism and the struggle against revisionism” (Speech of Ludo Martens in Leningrand Conference, 1997).

Movement for the Reorganisation of the
Communist Party of Greece (1918-55)



MIM’s Revisionist Attack On Enver Hoxha

Maoists have long tried to separate themselves from Mao’s reactionary and revisionist ideas, from the role of the peasantry to the role of mass organizations, from collaboration with the bourgeoisie in building socialism to the counterrevolutionary actions of Cultural Revolution, and finally, from the most infamous of ideas, the “Three Worlds Theory.”

Within the revisionist tendency of Maoism, there are presently two current lines of thought. One of those is the more “hardline” of the Maoist movement, the half that keeps the mask of Marxism-Leninism firmly planted on its revisionist face, though it usually refers to itself by some other name, usually either “Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung-Thought,” or more recently “Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,” or simply “Maoism.” In this category are most of the various Maoist parties, though as eclectic as Maoism is, no two of them are exactly alike in practice or in political line. Still, they manage to keep up the illusion quite well. The people in this category, most of them anyway, usually uphold the classic Marxist-Leninist leaders. They usually also pay token support to Stalin, though that has been fading in recent years, which I’ll go into some other time. It is in this category that the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) belongs. The other current line of thought residing in Maoism is the “nutty” sort of Maoist, the ones who take all of Mao’s revisionist theories to their logical conclusion. It is in this category that the Maoist Internationalist Movement (or MIM) belongs.

Both trends, though separate and antagonistic, have a great deal in common. They both uphold the reactionary anti-Leninist phenomenon of the so-called “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” (which Enver Hoxha once aptly described as “neither Great, nor Proletarian, nor Cultural, nor a Revolution”) as “the farthest advance of socialism in human history.” Both depart from the line of Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin, to say nothing of Hoxha’s developments. Both criticize the stance taken by Hoxha against revisionism from opportunist standpoints. Most notably for the purposes of this article however, is that both trends have an absolutely seething, rabid, fanatical hatred for Enver Hoxha and the Albanian Party of Labor. Let’s have a look at what they say.

Hoxhaites uphold Albanian socialism and the leader of the Albanian Communist Party, Enver Hoxha.

Well, this is true at least, except that the Albanian Party of Labor was only called the Albanian Communist Party until about the forties, when Stalin himself suggested the new name. It is worth saying here that the use of the word “Hoxhaite” is clearly meant as pointless slander, since ending any ideology with “-ite” is meant as an insult because of association with “Trotskyite.” The proper name for the ideology is “Hoxhaist” or “Hoxhaism,” despite what Third-World nutters say, although we consider and call ourselves “Marxist-Leninists.”

The line between “Hoxhaites” and “Stalinists” is blurring in recent years, as is their separation from Castro and Kim.

Actually, Mao’s ideas of a hybrid state-capitalist “socialist” state are still alive these days in Cuba and North Korea. Where this accusation of us being the same as them comes from, I have no idea, since though Hoxha was pro-Kim in the 50s (so was Mao, as a note), he later realized the revisionist nature of the DPRK and called him a “megalomaniac with a cult of personality yet unforeseen” in his Reflections on China diary. Not to mention his identification of Cuba as being firmly planted in the revisionist camp on the pro-Soviet side, which no one will deny. Kim Il-Sung was also part of the “Non-Aligned Movement” with the renegade Marshal Tito and the Yugoslav revisionists, which damn near half of Hoxha’s writings are spent blasting. Castro was a puppet of Khrushchev and Brezhnev, who Hoxha’s writings also analyze thoroughly, not to mention the Albanian army used to train using dummies with Khrushchev and Brezhnev’s faces on them as bayonet targets. Hoxha describes Castro as a “progressive democratic leader,” but not a Marxist-Leninist. Had MIM bothered to actually read his Selected Works, they might know that.

All of the writings and speeches of Castro and both Kims indicate the truth: socialism and Marxism-Leninism were never practiced in either country, since they reject the dictatorship of the proletariat and the hegemony of the proletariat, much like the populist rule of Mao Zedong.

Hoxha claimed public unity with Mao until the latter’s death in 1976. Throughout the 1960s and till Mao’s death, Hoxha referred to China as undergoing “socialist construction” and he referred to Mao as a “Marxist-Leninist.”

Despite the fact that MIM might have a heart attack from sheer shock when it hears this truly startling revelation, not everyone on the planet has a completely correct line on every issue right from the beginning, and—though this is CERTAINLY departing from Marxism and science in general to say so—things do occasionally change. Dialectics teaches us that nothing ever stops developing or changing, there is no “total and final” development.

Hoxha was pro-Mao for many years, this is true, and particularly after Mao came out against Khrushchev openly (four years after Hoxha, I might add). But the truth is that he had certain contradictions with the Chinese even from the start. Again, this is incredibly obvious if you read his Selected Works.

In addition, not everything is clear right from the start. Information, evidence and data are needed in order to perform a dialectic process. Really, if MIM would read a little it might learn a thing or two. Hoxha addresses the fact that he was wrong about China, just as he was wrong about the USSR after 1956, throughout the whole of his magnum opus “Imperialism & the Revolution.”

After Mao died and Albania lost its aid from China, Hoxha attacked Mao’s legacy that he used to uphold.

Interesting formulation indeed! Apparently Hoxha is a narrow opportunist, eh? So this must mean while he was still getting aid from China, Hoxha praised Mao to the high heavens and shows no contradictions with them? I would put forward that his essays in Volume III and IV of his works say otherwise. Here are a few for your own reading pleasure:

“The Revolutionary Communists Expect China to Come Out Openly Against Khrushchevite Revisionism” – April 3, 1962

The Stands of the Chinese Comrades are Improper in Several Directions” – Dec. 24, 1962.

The Struggle Against Khrushchevism Must Not Be Diverted Into Territorial Claims” – Aug. 22, 1964.

The Chinese Idea About An Anti-Imperialist Front Including Even the Modern Revisionists is Anti-Leninist” – Oct. 15, 1964.

In No Way Can We Reconcile Ourselves To These Views of Chou En-Lai” – Oct. 31, 1964.

The Chinese Want To Impose Their Opinions On Us” – Nov. 3, 1964.

The Defeat of Chou En-Lai In Moscow” – Nov. 21, 1964.

Opportunist Tactic of the Chinese Comrades” – Feb. 3, 1965.

Even more notably, in Volume IV:

Some Preliminary Ideas About the Chinese Proletarian Cultural Revolution” – Oct. 14, 1966

Reflections On the Cultural Revolution. Anarchy Cannot Be Combated With Anarchy” – April 28, 1967.

It Is Not Right to receive Nixon in Beijing. We Do Not Support It.” – Aug. 6, 1971.

Nixon’s Journey to China, The Sino-American Talks, the Final Communique” – March 21, 1972.

MIM’s statement is even historically inaccurate, since all aid to Albania was stopped during the Cultural Revolution, far before “Imperialism & the Revolution” was published.

In 1979, Hoxha publicly criticized the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).

God forbid. The Holy Cultural Revolution which all Maoists worship.

First off, it is obvious the Cultural Revolution was simply great in conception—workers checking the Party against revisionism! But in its practical execution became an adventurist disaster characterized by opportunistic youths & students rather than the working class. Marxism-Leninism was never the guiding force, but rather the cult of Mao, who eventually lost control and called in the PLA to take control of all the Party organizations and dissolve the Red Guards. The GPCR also killed whatever was left of the CCP.

New Democracy was a state-capitalist disaster that never led to the socialist revolution. Mao’s revisionism later manifested itself more severely when he announced the “Three World Theory” and allied China with the reactionary bourgeoisie of a number of countries throughout the so-called “Third World,” even down to Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger, CIA puppets like Mobutu Seko and anti-communist butchers like Augusto Pinochet, whom Mao’s China was the first to recognize.
As Comrade Hoxha observed, Mao made some very characteristically un-Marxist theoretical stands, which combined traditional Chinese philosophy with bourgeois democracy; such as his political pluralism, his thesis that socialism can be built on the collaboration of all classes, and his cyclical interpretation of society and revolution which is i
n direct contradiction to the science of dialectical materialism.
The unfolding of
revisionist lines in China began from the start, with particular regard to the liquidation, by the mid-fifties, of the Marxist-Leninist grouping headed by Kao Kang and the subsequent launching of the “Great Leap Forward”—a revisionist campaign initiated by Mao in alliance with the Chinese comprador bourgeoisie in order to mobilize the peasantry into conflict with the national bourgeoisie headed by Liu Shao-chi.

Instead of “Marxist-Leninist” as Hoxha earlier called Mao, Hoxha said that Mao was a “progressive figure” and “nationalist.”

I agree with that formulation. A good book to read for a thorough analysis of Mao’s revisionism is “Class Struggles In China” by Bill Bland.

Hoxha said it was impossible for a bourgeoisie to exist in the party unless the party was revisionist and tolerated the bourgeoisie; hence he opposed Mao’s theses and the reason for a Cultural Revolution, which Albania never had.

This is perhaps the strangest sentence by MIM, seeing as how nothing in it is true—literally nothing. Hoxha never said it was impossible for a bourgeoisie to exist within the party, Hoxha initiallyy supported the GPCR until he learned it was a shallow power struggle between the comprador and national bourgeoisie factions headed by Mao Zedong and Liu Shao-Chi respectively, and Albania did in fact, have a Cultural Revolution.

It most certainly is a tenet of Hoxhaism that bourgeoisie can manifest inside the Communist Party, particularly when you let them in as Mao did. Revisionists do not always “sneak in” from outside the Party. Some do, no doubt. But others are generated from inside, as any good Marxist-Leninist (and no, not just Mao, and not Mao first), knows very well. Hoxha’s ideology preserves Marxism-Leninism rather than throwing it out the window in exchange for an ideology that assures us that under communism the proletariat and the bourgeoisie can coexist. This is Maoism.

In practice, Hoxha’s own hand-picked successor Ramiz Alia restored open, traditional capitalism in Albania;

It would take far too much space to give a true timeline of how capitalism was restored in Albania, but it is not so cut-and-dry and MIM makes it out to be. Alia did loosen the grip of the PPSH on Albania quite a bit, but did not suddenly, overnight and metaphysically “restore open capitalism.”

Even if they were right, and Alia did such a thing, MIM seems to think people should be able to recognize this instantaneously, as if class struggle in socialist society is conducted in an obvious cowboy-and-Indian way where everybody knows who the “good guys” and “bad guys” are. Their whole argument boils down to, “They lost, therefore they must be wrong.” Pitiful.

yet, Hoxhaites have still failed to draw any correct scientific conclusions about who was correct: Mao or Hoxha.

What? If they are “Hoxhaites,” as MIM so chauvinistically put it, wouldn’t they have already arrived at the conclusion that Hoxha was right (not that their caricature of him is in any way accurate)? Otherwise, how could they be called Hoxhaists? MIM literally just contradicted itself in one sentence.

They fail to say, “yes, look at Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Alia: they were all inside parties alleging to be communist, so how can we deny Mao’s thesis about a bourgeoisie in the party?” It can still be said that Hoxhaites talk about class struggle under socialism, but without a bourgeoisie!

Let’s start with the idea that Mao developed the idea of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. As can easily be shown, this concept was originally put forward by Lenin and Stalin. Was Mao the first one to put forward the term “the new bourgeoisie?” Let’s take a gander.

Lenin also stated that ‘the new bourgeoisie’ was ‘arising from among our Soviet government employees.’” (Lenin, Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 29, p. 162. Quoted in Lin, Biao. Report to the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China. English ed. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, April 14, 1969.)

OK, so was Mao the first one to suggest that Party’s role in production relations trigger a new bourgeoisie?

[...] the bourgeoisie, whose resistance is increased tenfold by its overthrow (even if only in one country), and whose power lies not only in the strength of international capital, in the strength and durability of the international connections of the bourgeoisie, but also in the force of habit, in the strength of small production. For, unfortunately, small production is still very, very widespread in the world, and small production engenders capitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously, daily, hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass scale. (Lenin, Collected Works, Chinese ed., Vol. 31, p. 6.)

Well, so much for Mao’s so-called developments, and so much for MIM’s revisionist slander.



FRSO Sells Out Marxism-Leninism For Good

Freedom Road Socialist Organization is an odd duck in the cesspool of myriad revisionist parties currently residing comfortably in the US, what with its awkward name, logo worthy of some sort of Marxist Dr. Seuss parody and opportunist zigzagging line worthy of the CP-USA. FRSO has a long history of being left-refoundationist and finding political struggles far too complex and sectarian to consider. Take, for example, this excerpt from a blog of theirs:

“Why was the movement divided into so many different organizations and why were there so many splits? [….] The movement considered “anti-revisionist” Marxism-Leninism to be the only genuine revolutionary framework. It insisted upon a controversial [!] interpretation of communist history which considered the Soviet CP (and allied parties) revolutionary under Stalin but ‘revisionist’ since the time of Khrushchev. It embraced an ‘orthodox’ model of the ‘party of a new type’ in which there could be only a single vanguard in any given country and the writings of Stalin and Mao were looked to for guidance about how to practice democratic centralism, handle inner-party differences, determine relations with ‘non-party’ groups and individuals, etc. A significant section of the movement (including all of FRSO’s predecessor organizations) adopted even more specific views: They [...] argued that the post-Stalin USSR had restored capitalism and become a ’social imperialist’ superpower.”

The language here doesn’t really say what is WRONG with that view, but it pretty obviously says that the FRSO doesn’t hold that (correct) view, since this paragraph goes to great lengths to show that their “predecessors” did. It seems Marxism-Leninism of the non-revisionist type is utterly bewildering to Freedom Road—perhaps that is why they endorsed Obama and promote Chavez’s reformist “21st Century Socialism” program. The fact that they felt the need to put sarcastic quotation marks around words like “revisionism” and “social-imperialism,” as if these words meant nothing doesn’t say much for their theoretical chops either.

FRSO is a pathetic sect that can be described as belonging to the new “pan-socialist” movement that is sadly gaining strength with the recent decline of Maoism. Other parties in this pan-socialist movement include the Party For Socialism and Liberation (PSL) and Workers’ World Party (WWP).

First off, let me say I really have no idea what separates these three groups. All of them seem to have about the exact same political line on most issues: they support ANYONE who has ever called themselves “socialist,” from Trotsky, to Gorbachev, to Luxemburg to Ho Chi Minh.

Among other very alarming positions, they:

  1. Support Soviet social-imperialism, or outright deny the existence of revisionism.

  2. Are pro-USSR even up to Gorby.

  3. Are apologists for Khrushchev and Brezhnev, and their invasions of Hungary, Czechoslovakia and (yes) Afghanistan.

  4. Claim that modern China is a socialist nation.

  5. Support Cuba and the DPRK models of Marxism-Leninism and as fully socialist (and not revisionist) nations.

  6. Support the Chinese military against the protesters at Tienanmen Square.

  7. Support the reactionary government of Milosevic and claim the Kosovo independence movement was “social-fascist” and backed by the NATO bloc.

  8. Support the Janjaweed militia in Sudan.

  9. Support Obama for president. (The PSL did not take this position, since they had a candidate running for president. One wonders what they would’ve done had they not.)

The list of opportunist positions just goes on and on. These movements are simply obsessed with choosing one corrupt force against another in every situation, and always allying with the “better” of two opposing bourgeois or reactionary forces. This is not to say such positions are always wrong. Some compromise with the bourgeoisie is necessary even in revolutionary situation and even under socialism itself. But the point is that these parties almost never do it in a correct way.

The PSL, FRSO and WWP refuse to draw any theoretical lines as to correct practice, and thus end up on the side of the bourgeoisie in almost every case. This can be seen literally, in their calls for communists and workers to unite with the ruling cliques of certain countries they label as “anti-imperialist,” even if a social revolution is imminent. This is not even done in the name of the national right to self-determination, but in the name of it being better for the working class.

As a perfect example, look at their article on the anniversary of Tienanmen:

http://www.frso.org/about/statements/2009/looking-back-at-tiananmen-square.htm

Why exactly would a so-called “Marxist-Leninist” party support and ally with a capitalist ruling clique and their military junta against the masses of people? Your guess is as good as mine. The author argues that it was right for the Chinese government to suppress the movement, as it “aimed at overthrowing socialism and restoring capitalism.” It is simply absurd to claim that China was socialist in 1989. Anyone who does has no idea what socialism is.

There are those so-called “socialists” out there who will always defend a revisionist country when it comes time to defend Marxism-Leninism. These types usually side with the revisionist government, claiming that they are “preserving what is left of the revolution.” This is essentially a Trotskyite argument that has a lot in common with the concept of “deformed workers’ state.” Trotsky too, didn’t believe in revisionism nor social-imperialism. He held the metaphysical world outlook that revisionist nations could magically go back to being Marxist-Leninist any day now.

Indeed, it seems the FRSO and Mick Kelly’s analysis just shows the absolute stupidity in “defending socialism” when China was never a Marxist-Leninist nation, even under Mao.

When faced with the doubtless fact that many of the protesters were, in fact, bourgeois liberals, and pro-US, and pro-imperialist, and were in fact agitating for capitalism, it is important to keep Lenin’s words regarding the Easter Rebellion in mind. At the time of the revolt, many of the “socialist” papers were doing the same thing the FRSO and PSL are doing now with the Iranian uprising. The Zimmerwald group called the Irish rebellion a “purely urban, petty-bourgeois movement, which, notwithstanding the sensation it caused, had not much social backing.”

In response, Lenin wrote:

“The centuries-old Irish national movement [...] manifested itself in street fighting conducted by a section of the urban petty bourgeoisie and a section of the workers after a long period of mass agitation, demonstrations, suppression of newspapers, etc. Whoever calls such a rebellion a ‘putsch’ is either a hardened reactionary, or a doctrinaire hopelessly incapable of envisaging a social revolution as a living phenomenon

To imagine that social revolution is conceivable without revolts by small nations in the colonies and in Europe, without revolutionary outbursts by a section of the petty bourgeoisie with all its prejudices, without a movement of the politically non-conscious proletarian and semi-proletarian masses against oppression by the landowners, the church, and the monarchy, against national oppression, etc.-to imagine all this is to repudiate social revolution. So one army lines up in one place and says, ‘We are for socialism,’ and another, somewhere else and says, ‘We are for imperialism,’ and that will he a social revolution! […] Whoever expects a ‘pure’ social revolution will never live to see it. Such a person pays lip-service to revolution without understanding what revolution is.”

No doubt there are other revisionist apologists out here who would ask me, “Well, what should the Chinese government have done?” How’s this for an answer: they should have died. Why do I, as a Marxist-Leninist, care what happens to a bunch of capitalist rulers? This is essentially the same as asking, “what should the US do in Afghanistan?” Simple answer: they should go to hell.

It is unfortunate that Fight Back! News, as well as the PSL and others, have chosen to finally and completely abandon Marxism and the revolution in order to protect a revisionist party defending capitalism in the sweatshop of the world. To imagine that the die-hard capitalist Deng Xiaoping was saving anything worth saving by rolling over the protesters with tanks is hopelessly idiotic.

I ask you dear reader: what is China? The magically harmonious society in which the Communist Party and the bourgeoisie join hands? Is that socialism? According to the FRSO, it looks like it.



Polemic against Rotten.com’s “Dictator” Index

I’m afraid, dear reader; you have read the title of this essay correctly. This is a polemic against an article in the “Dictators” section of the infamous internet shock site, Rotten.com. A curious entity existing in the endless depths of the internet for seemingly no other reason than to embody the fetishization of violence under imperialism and give vent to the bottomless alienation and hopelessness that comes naturally under capitalism, Rotten.com is (or was, since the website is several years old) very popular among those youth who seek to desensitize themselves to the underside of the tortoise of life, myself included.

Why, you ask, does such an apparent intellectual blog want to “waste” its time arguing with a website that spends its bandwidth displaying pictures of mutilated bodies and various other fare worthy of a carnival freak show? The answer is simple: because the website reflects, perhaps without realizing itself consciously, what is really on the minds of non-communist working class people when referring to the records of Lenin, Stalin and Mao. It’s written on the level of blunt, easy language, the kind used in normal conversation even among the most blue-blooded ACLU Democrats. Even more than this, it uses many of the clichés Marxist-Leninist activists have grown accustomed to on the street in a remarkably straightforward and honest manner, becoming one of the best available sources free from bourgeois academia in all but ideology.

In short, answering Rotten.com’s accusations against communism will provide a platform with which to give easy answers to the working class’s questions about Leninism and history in general. It is the best grocery list of anti-communist slanders that can be found outside of everyday conversation. This isn’t meant to be an academic research project filled with sources. Instead, I’ll use much the same methods as the website itself and give the revolutionary analysis.

Let’s start with the most obvious first. The list itself is questionable, and is clearly geared towards the liberal capitalist criteria of “dictator,” which is in this case someone who has state power, kills people and is not a liberal capitalist.

Politically, it is not at all obvious except to the person entirely sold to the dominant ideology that people like CIA puppets Mobutu Sese Seko, Pinochet, Franco and Saddam, as well as fascists and militarists like Hirohito and Mussolini belong in the same category as progressive socialists such as Stalin and anti-colonialists such as Qaddafi. Indeed, if death tolls are any criteria for being on this list, surely Lyndon B. Johnson, Harry Truman, Ronald Reagan and Andrew Jackson belong on it, since each of them, individually, were responsible for more deaths than any of the above mentioned people.

The Vietnam War, over which Lyndon Johnson presided, killed over 3,500,000 Indochinese people, and not all with the courtesy of a bullet, but rather by being burned with the jellied gasoline we call “napalm.” This figure also does not include the American deaths, nor the Laotian ones, which resulted from the heaviest bombing campaign in history, and the famines that resulted from those bombings, in both countries and Cambodia, nor does it include the countless people since affected in grotesque manners by Agent Orange.

As can be proven by documentation, this single war alone killed far more people than Stalin’s entire 30-year reign, and, I might add, was done for nothing more than US imperialist interests, rather than revolutionary purposes. Keep in mind also, that this list of massacres does not include only enemy soldiers, but also many civilians, as documents on the My Lai and Son My Massacres and the various “brush-clearing policies” can show much better than I can. And finally, please note that this is merely one war in a sea of other imperialist wars such as the ones against the Native Americans in the battles such as the Creek & Seminole Wars, or others such as WWI, which most agree today was a worthless battle fought for kings, or the invasions of Korea, Nicaragua, Spain, Russia, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Lebanon, Grenada, Panama, Iraq, Somalia, Kosovo, Afghanistan…etc.

I could go on for hours, but my point is essentially made. Now, on to the articles. They are reproduced here faithfully, with my annotations in boldface.

Joseph Stalin

As a young man, Iosif Vissarionovich Djugashvili joined the Marxists in their bid to seize power and overthrow the Russian Tsar. He was exiled and imprisoned several times for his persistent revolutionary activities. After the police arrested him in 1902 for staging a prison raid, they made these notes in his record:

Height 2 archins, 4 1/2 vershoks. Body medium. Age 23. Special features: Second and third toes of the left foot attached. Appearance: Ordinary. Hair dark brown. Beard and moustaches: Brown. Nose straight and long. Forehead straight but low. Face long, swarthy and pockmarked.

The swarthy, pockmarked perp with the deformed toes would later adopt a series of aliases to avoid future arrests. In 1913, the year after he was appointed to the party’s Central Committee, Djugashvili finally settled on the humble name “Stalin,” which means Man of Steel.

Well, so far, so good. Most of what is said here is objectively true and shows that the author at least did a small amount of research, which is more than I can say for Robert Conquest. Stalin did indeed have pockmarks from contracting smallpox as a kid, though I must say I’ve never heard anything about his toes.

In addition to his official duties, Mr. Steel immediately undertook the task of empire building. He capitalized on the vicious internecine warfare endemic to the Socialist movement, even going so far as to order the assassination of fellow revolutionaries whenever he thought it would help him consolidate power. Which was fairly often.

So much for objective. First off, “empire-building” is quite a stretch for someone who is not yet in power and would not be for a long time. “Empire-building” is a word better fitting to what Czar Nicholas (known to his European buddies as “Bloody Nicholas”) was doing at the time by expanding the Russian Empire, first through invasion, then through millions dead in World War I and also through his massive and genocidal anti-Semitic pogroms. But then, our High School history books don’t mention any of those, now do they? And despite this, he is upheld as Saint by the Russian Orthodox Church. We’ll see more whitewashing of the Czar later, I’m sure, since it has become so fashionable to romanticize feudalism and oppressive slave-owning monarchs (the Dalai Lama) in the bourgeois films churned out of liberal Hollywood.

And as for the charge of killing his political opponents, once again before he even got into power, it would be helpful to have a mention of who exactly the author is talking about—he provides no name or information. As such, I feel no need to respond.

The Bolshevists staged a coup in November 1917, following on the heels of the Russian revolution. Suddenly, Vladimir Lenin was in charge with Stalin as a member of his cabinet. The immediate result was yet another revolution.

This is a rather head-scratching passage. It is true that the anti-Czarist revolution, also called the bourgeois-democratic stage of the revolution, was waged first before the socialist phase. For a while after the Czar was overthrown, power was handed over to a capitalist named Kerensky, whose corruption was so great that it was easy for the Bolsheviks (not “Bolshevists”) under Lenin’s command to overthrow him and establish socialism for the first time in human history. To seize power was the plan all along, at least by Lenin. But the author has it wrong—the Russian Revolution was in two stages, one in March 1917 and one in October 1917. The language here makes it sound like there were three stages, and that the first capitalist phase was called the “Russian Revolution,” when really the whole process was. As a note, the entire credit for the leadership of the working class and peasants to overthrow the Czar is given to the Bolsheviks.

American troops landed on Russian soil in August 1918 to assist the anti-Bolshevik forces. They did not withdraw until 1920. By that time, it was all over; the Communists had won.

Yes, we finally have a mention of the “White Terror,” which again is more than we usually get from an anti-communist author, and not only that, but recognition of the invasion of American forces to assist the reactionary “Whites,” or Czarist, forces in trying to overthrow the Bolshevik government. Still, we don’t get the whole story—it was more than simple American forces, but in fact 16 different armies from 16 different countries that invaded Russia to stop the Bolsheviks and communism from winning, and all of them joined the Whites against the Reds, of course. Due to the language here, it seems the author finds it preferable if the Whites had won.

At the Steelmeister’s direction, the Kremlin launched a repressive campaign against Freemasonry in 1922, ultimately leading to the arrest and torture of avowed Masons. Masonic lodges were forced underground and did not emerge until the 1990s.

Another very odd passage. I must say I’ve never heard of such a thing, so I don’t feel qualified to say anything on the matter, but I wonder what this has to do with the Civil War. No greater detail is given, so this passage seems to serve no purpose other than to reassure is that the dreaded Reds were just as bad as the Whites because…they arrested Masons. At that, it fails. I will say nothing, except I would love to see a source for this.

Although Lenin was nominally in charge, his failing health soon left his ministers to fight over the resulting power vacuum. By 1928, Stalin’s ascendance was complete. He had assumed the reins and most of his enemies were either dead or in exile.

Good. Most of Stalin’s political opponents were Czarist terrorist forces who slaughtered farmers and Jewish civilians and sabotaged machinery and grain, leading to mass starvation. His political enemies inside the Bolsheviks were usually exiled for treason, although several of them betrayed the Bolsheviks before and after the revolution, such as Zinoviev and Kamenev, who snitched to the press and told them about the coming overthrow. Even then, both those men were allowed back into the Party again, though years later they would be exposed again and executed for organizing the assassination of several high-ranking CCCP members.

In 1929, Stalin expelled his chief rival and harshest critic, Leon Trotsky.

Uh no, actually “Stalin” did not. The entire Bolshevik party did by a vote of 737,000 to 4,000, because Trotsky was a bastard and a traitor to socialism who helped out the bourgeoisie a lot. This was the right decision, as even abroad Trotsky did everything he could to destroy the USSR, from claiming that Lenin wanted him to be leader, to calling for an overthrow of Stalin right in the middle of Nazi aggression, to collaborating with the Nazis to overthrow him outright. Try and make a guess who the bourgeoisie’s favorite Bolshevik is, and then try and see how many bookstores stock “The Revolution Betrayed,” as opposed to anything by Lenin or Stalin.

Trotsky fled to Mexico City, where he wrote books and newspaper articles denouncing Stalin and his regime. In rebuttal, Stalin ordered his assassination.

That’s basically true, and what of it? As a note, the man who killed him by hitting him with an ice axe was an employee of Trotsky’s who volunteered for the job. The NKVD then hired him to kill Trotsky, but it’s quite interesting that he was a man so hated that his so-called “assassin” actually wanted to kill him before the Soviets asked him to. In his memoirs, the killer, Ramon Mercader, said the following: “[…] instead of finding myself face to face with a political chief who was directing the struggle for the liberation of the working class, I found myself before a man who desired nothing more than to satisfy his needs and desires of vengeance and of hate and who did not utilize the workers’ struggle for anything more than a means of hiding his own paltriness and despicable calculations.”

Trotsky was finally killed in 1940 after several unsuccessful attempts on his life.

No, actually it was the first attempt that succeeded, at least from Moscow, though I wouldn’t be surprised if other people tried to kill Trotsky. It says something about how “brutal” Stalin was that Trotsky was able to leave Russia in peace after decades of being what Lenin called a “swine,” write books calling for his death, called for his followers to infiltrate other Communist Parties (such as the French one, giving rise to Trotsky’s own term for Party infiltration, “French Turn,”) call for terrorist actions and assassinations to overthrow the Soviets, and other despicable lies and actions on the international scene, and do this for decades after he was exiled. Finally, when Trotsky had a secret meeting with Nazi agents to discuss overthrowing Stalin and dividing up the USSR under Trotsky’s rule, the entire CCCP (not just “Stalin,”) had had enough and used Mercader, who volunteered to kill Trotsky to finish the job once and for all.

Not to mention Trotsky’s written lies have done more damage to socialism than any other in history, passing even Hitler and George Orwell. The idea of a “bureaucracy” as a “new class” comes from Trotsky, as well as other pitiful analysis, such as the idea that Stalin “betrayed” socialism, or that “Stalinism” is an ideology separate from Leninism, or that socialism was never achieved in any country, even the USSR and Albania.

The assassin was the recipient of the Order of Lenin (Orden Lenina) upon his release from a Mexican prison.

Good for him. If Lenin had been alive, he would’ve ordered Trotsky’s assassination decades before Stalin. In his memoirs, when asked which one was the harsher of the two, Molotov (top Soviet official) recalled, “Lenin, certainly. I remember how he scolded Stalin for softness and liberalism…”

Then Stalin deliberately engineered a famine in the Ukraine.

I don’t know what to say except LOL. This is sarcastic and dry as hell, not to mention out of fucking nowhere.

In 1932 he ordered all of the granaries emptied and their contents hauled off for export. In the spring of 1933, seven million people died of starvation in the nation’s breadbasket.

Funny how the figure for the so-called “Ukrainian Holocaust” or “Holomodor” goes up every year. Recently when the President of the Ukraine commemorated the famine, he claimed 10 million. As a note, the population of the Ukraine was only about 30 million at the time. A death toll of this size would have been comparable with the Black Death devastation in Europe. Before someone accuses me of “Holocaust denial,” let me say that there was a famine in the Ukraine, but the true death toll was not 10,000,000. It was in the thousands and not millions, and it certainly was not deliberately engineered.

I have to ask: exactly WHY the hell would Stalin intentionally engineer a famine? Did he just despise Ukrainians that much? What would be the possible political gain of such an action?

Do I even need to say that there is not a shred of evidence to suggest this was an intentional policy of the Soviet Government? Even many violent anti-communist and reactionary writers, such as Robert Conquest and Solzhenitsyn, claim also that it was not a genocide. Many supposed pictures of the famine’s victims were actually pictures of the Volga Famine’s victims. William Randolph Hearst (a Nazi supporter) and Hitler’s agents themselves also were instrumental in helping to fabricate and exaggerate the famine for propaganda purposes. A good book to read on this subject is “Fraud, Famine & Fascism” by Robert Tottle.

It was genocide on an immense scale.

The word “genocide” these days has become a buzzword used by the imperialists for political reasons. Saddam’s gassing of the Kurds was a terrible act, but not“genocide,” since he did not intend to wipe out the Kurds as a race. “Genocide” has been used as an excuse to invade other countries, from Cambodia to Iraq to Sudan, where there were strifes but never “genocide.” This is because after WWII there was an international imperialist treaty drawn up which gave the leading nations (mostly the US) the right to invade sovereign nations unprovoked in the case of a genocide. In reality, there have only been a few actual or attempted genocides this century, such as Rwanda, the Holocaust, the Armenian Genocide and the extermination of the Native Americans.

(Of course, this figure was later dwarfed by China’s Great Leap Forward.)

Mhm. More on this later.

Which is right about the time that Stalin kicked the Gulag system into high gear.

Actually, the so-called “gulags” where originally started by Kerensky, not Lenin or Stalin.

It was a constellation of forced labor camps, dispersed across the USSR.

Funny how every prison system in the world is termed “concentration camps,” “death camps” or “forced labor camps” by capitalists, except of course their own prison system. It would be very easy to term state and federal prisons in the US and many other countries as “concentration camps,” particularly given the incredible disproportionate jailing of African-Americans and minorities, about 90% of which are minor drug offenders (the charges of which result from poverty under capitalism) and the widespread use of police brutality, torture and of course, that classic “totalitarian” image, high cement gates guarded by watchtowers and razor wire. Not to mention the facts from the US Census Bureau that report about 1 in 3 of prisoners in the US have been raped or sexually assaulted.

Criminals, dissidents, and anybody who pissed off the wrong person got shipped off to lay railroad tracks, dig canals, build dams, or extract ore from the mines.

Yawn. And who do you think builds your canals and picks the trash up off your highway?

They toiled under inhuman conditions. Something like 50 million people died in the gulags; more than seven million between 1934 and 1938 alone.

Dude….50 million people? Complete fabrication. Fewer than 25 million died from ALL causes from 1935 to 1941. Less than 1/3 of the gulag prisoners were political. The rest were arrested for anti-government actions, murder, robbery, etc. Another thing is that gulags were not death camps. 400,000 people died in the gulags over the entire 30-year period of Stalin’s reign, as opposed to the 7.8 million people the US has imprisoned today. If prisoners do not die from US prisons, it is because they are in prison in an imperialist country that invades other countries and lives off the blood of third world workers in order to remain rich, while Russia was a poor and backward nation with a 90% illiteracy rate. 400,000 people does not equal 20, 30 or even 50 million imprisoned or killed.

Liberals today love to compare the “gulags” with Nazi death camps, which is at best stupid and at worst pro-Nazi. There was no systematic extermination of inmates, no gas chambers or medical experiments, no crematoria to dispose of millions of bodies. The great majority of gulag prisoners survived to return to society, the average sentence being five years, which was often reduced to three. In any given year, 20 to 40 percent of the inmates were released.

In 1993, historians gained access to the records of the gulag. They found the total PEAK population of the ENTIRE gulag as of January 1939, at he height of the so-called “Great Terror,” was 2,022,976. For comparison, in 1995, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the United States had over 5 million people in prison, which today has grown to almost 8 million.

50 million would be literally impossible: the entire Soviet population was only 150 million. Who would be left to guard the prisons? The other 80 million, I suppose? The entirety of World War II killed 56 million people—you’re telling me this one individual’s reign killed almost as many people as the largest international conflict in all of human history? That would literally be 1 out of every 3 people. Yes, you heard right folks: Stalin = the Black Death yet again. Please. It’s worth noting that those who say 30-50 million died in the USSR under Stalin seem to completely ignore the fact that no less than 22 million deaths are the result of Hitler’s invasion, and as I said, the famine was the result of the war the counterrevolutionaries unleashed against the Bolsheviks. Conveniently, the so-called “objective” bourgeois scholars place Hitler’s death tolls in Stalin’s camp, and subtract it from Hitler’s. No, the liberals aren’t pro-fascist at all!

When Stalin wasn’t busy killing off large segments of his own population, he was dabbling in statecraft. In August 1939, he and Hitler inked a nonaggression pact. In retrospect, it seems that Hitler may not have been clear on the terms of their agreement. Buried way down in the fine print of Article I was some legal mumbo jumbo about the two countries not waging war on each other.

Why do capitalists hate the Non-Aggression pact so much? Is it because it is highly convenient for them to imagine Communism and Nazism as “twin totalitarian titans” and dismiss them both as equally bad? It gave the USSR time to build up. As the dear reader can see from material evidence, Stalin ALWAYS had killing Hitler in mind, and right from the start the non-aggression pact was meant to be a temporary reprieve until the inevitable confrontation with fascism. He gave several speeches to this effect. If you want to know who was really in league with fascism, why don’t you take a look at American bourgeoisie like Hearst and Ford? Or perhaps Truman, who gave a speech in congress saying the US should support whichever side was losing?

In June 1941, Hitler launched a sneak attack on Russia. Three million German troops crossed the border at 3:15am. The incursion paralyzed Stalin. Subordinates handled the Nazi onslaught while he sat on his thumb, stupefied.

Hilarious. If I’m not mistaken, they won that war, thanks to Mr. Stalin and the 22 million Soviet civilians that died fighting the Nazis. If it weren’t for them you’d be speaking German right now, or if you’re Jewish, you would be dead. You’re welcome.

There had been warnings. An agent in Tokyo reported in May that Hitler was preparing an imminent invasion of Russia. The information had been presented to Stalin, who chose to ignore it. For whatever reason, the man who had personally backstabbed countless friends and cohorts in his rise to power somehow believed that Hitler would never break their treaty. Go figure.

Yawn again.

One of Stalin’s spymasters put it this way:

The generalissimo preferred to trust his political instinct rather than the secret reports piled up on his desk. Convinced that he had signed an eternal pact of friendship with Germany, he sucked on the pipe of peace.

Holy shit, our author is actually capable of giving sources…oh wait, the quote is unsourced. Not that it matters much. I’m sure if this so-called “spymaster” had anything good to say about Stalin’s military strategy, he would be dismissed as a “flunky” or a “useful idiot,” but if he criticizes him he would get a New York Times bestseller. Entirely predictable.

And he would have been sucking on more than just that pipe if only the Nazis had packed some cold-weather gear.

I thank you for that mental image and of course, your crude anti-communist propaganda.

As it happened, the Germans were counting on their blitzkreig strategy to effect sudden and decisive victory, leaving the Soviets no option but surrender. Consequently, they didn’t bring their long underwear. Soon the Wehrmacht found themselves stuck in the Russian snow — just as Napoleon had, more than a century earlier.

Yeah sure, it was the cold that beat them, not the Red Army.

After Hitler’s betrayal, Stalin was eager to join the capitalist nations fighting against Germany.

A clever way of spinning it. The USSR actually won WWII largely without the help of your precious United States, who didn’t get involved until 1941. Not to mention it was the Red Army bombarding Berlin and Soviet soldiers a few meters from Hitler’s bunker that made him commit suicide.

For the remainder of the war, the USSR suspended their extreme loathing for the West and maintained an uneasy detente with the other Allies. This evaporated immediately after the Japanese surrender.

So what? Stalin wasn’t Khrushchev. He didn’t want “peaceful coexistence” between a state run by exploiters and a state run by the exploited.

The Russians were driven to develop an atomic bomb of their own. President Truman had made an offhard reference to the weapon during the Potsdam Conference in July 1945. During which time, Stalin feigned ignorance. As Truman recalled in his memoirs:

On July 24 I casually mentioned to Stalin that we had a new weapon of unusual destructive force. The Russian Premier showed no special interest. All he said was he was glad to hear it and hoped we would make “good use of it against the Japanese.”

Years later it was revealed that the Communists had actually been receiving periodic intelligence updates from Klaus Fuchs, a physicist working on the Manhattan Project. Stalin sent a telegram to Kurchatov after Potsdam, ordering him to rush their own atomic bomb program, which had been underway for years. The first Russian A-bomb was finally detonated in 1948.

Don’t care.

Stalin supported Mao’s revolution in China, and put Kim Il Sung in charge of North Korea.

Fine with me.

When the tyrant finally croaked from a cerebral hemorrhage in 1953 — some have theorized that it may not have been from entirely natural causes — the country breathed a collective sigh of relief.

Actually, Stalin’s funeral had a large attendance because he was so loved. Modern polls show him to be the most popular Russian leader ever. The only people who “breathed a sigh of relief” were the capitalists and reactionaries who had had their power stripped by the revolution, the surviving feudal landlords who looked forward to becoming new Russian Mafia bosses and the smallest remainders of the petty-bourgeoisie, who soon converted to running drug rackets and prostitution rings in the wake of the poverty caused by massive privatization. This is not to mention the reformists and revisionists such as Khrushchev, who took the opportunity to seize power. I swear, I will never understand why capitalists love Khrushchev and Trotsky so much—both of them had such terrible qualities they can be liked only on the basis of anti-communism.

A large number of gulag prisoners were granted amnesty and allowed to return home.

Releasing prisoners is not always a good thing. Should Czarists, fascists, rapists and racists on the level of Klan members be let out of prison? As I previously established, only a very small amount of gulag prisoners were political ones, and those that were, were folks such as this.

Of the many thousands of citizens who waited hours in the snow to file past his body, it seems likely that nearly all of them just wanted to make certain he was truly dead.

Sure, whatever.

This post is already too long. I’ll post more later.



Communism & Fascism: Same Thing?

I am sick to death of all these idiots comparing Stalin to Hitler and Nazis to Marxist-Leninists. It is time to face facts: comparing Communists with Nazis is objectively pro-fascist. It is completely unrealistic and only helps out the other side, including the fascists, Nazis, reactionaries and monarchs. It only assists them in whitewashing and cheapening the crimes of the Nazis and turning Nazism into a mere insult, a cliché, rather than the true danger it is.

Not only that, it indirectly blames Communism, the force that destroyed fascism, for the rise of fascism, by placing them both in the same so-called “totalitarian” category. This succeeds only in removing the blame from the CAPITALIST CLASS, which are the true people to blame for the rise of Hitler, Mussolini, Pinochet and Franco, since fascism is the last resort of a desperate and violent bourgeoisie that is losing its power. Hitler may have risen to power by speaking out against the big capitalists, but that was only because socialism was very popular in Germany at the time, and once he was elected Chancellor he did everything he could to save big German capital. Not to mention the very first people he sent to the gas chambers, before even the Jews, were the German communists, as shown in the popular “first they came for the…” quote, in which the first thing he says is, “First they came for the communists…”

All the reactionary ivory tower intelligentsia are eager to put forward this analysis of the swastika and the hammer & sickle being comparable only because throughout history intellectuals have been the willing puppets of the ruling class, whether it be kings, slaveowners or automobile moguls.

Fascism and Communism are not the same thing; in fact, fascism is merely the logical conclusion to bourgeois democracy. This is elementary common sense. Capitalism leads to fascism. Every wise human being knows this. So do not doubt—those intellectual idiots who prance around saying “Stalin is worse than Hitler” are objectively on the Nazis’ side and are working on their behalf.



Alcoholism, Authors & the “In-Between” Stage

As much of a bourgeois decadence as alcohol is, I occasionally indulge. And by occasionally, I mean more and more lately. Fermented grain cereals in liquid form combined with water and spices and canned for my convenience really should not be my frequent companion, but between being surrounded on all sides by capitalists and revisionists, and my nerves being almost shot from the lack of relief through writing, I feel it is a way to help balance me out. The only concern is when it becomes a habit, the possibility of which should be insanely obvious to anyone.

I have Scottish roots that go from my last name to the red hairs in my beard. As such, I have serious alcohol genes that could make hardened lush Jack Kerouac blush with envy. I’ll have to watch my ass before I become addicted the way most of my extended family is. As well, the number of authors who were alcoholics during their lifetimes (Orwell, Hemingway) or drank themselves to death (Kerouac, Melville) is always fresh in my mind as a literature person. Clearly by even drinking I’m playing Russian Roulette.

So I’ve discovered a method that I find acceptable—I only drink a few beers/drinks until I get to the stage where I feel the rush, the endorphines, the abandon that comes from getting drunk, without sinking further. It is just enough so that I cannot drive but also enough I am not “wasted.” It is more drunk than simply drinking one or two beers, but far below the dizzy, stay-on-the-couch-all-night mode. Usually there is some sleep disturbence in the form of either going to sleep early or waking up early, but no hangover to speak of. The number of beers I drink varies before I reach this magical “in-between” zone, but not only is it stimulating to the mood, I find it actually helps with my writing and improves my concentration, rather than dulls it as usual.

In light of recent events, such as my recent emotional “episode” when I found out one of my best comrade friends was a dyed-in-the-wool revisionist, have driven me to use this method in leiu of serious recreational heavy drinking. It was quite devastating to a staunch non-revisionist Marxist-Leninist such as myself.

This particular friend, whom I had known for quite some time, had been one of my closest comrades. He was one of the reasons I became what I am today. He was the main reasons I abandoned Trotskyism and “anti-Stalinism,” and had been the most hardline Maoist I ever knew. I considered him as practically a Hoxhaist, or at least a Maoist worth recognizing as a non-revisionist. He even upheld Hoxha!

Naturally, I was overjoyed when I learned he would soon be relocating to my country and my particular area. My plans were to invite him to join my organization, since a true Marxist-Leninist party is short on hands in this age of revisionist poisoning. This would be a glorious project, a unity that could take on the entire movement!

Then, precisely two days ago, he abruptly began asking questions about the revisionist Castroist party, the Party for Socialism & Liberation (PSL) in the US. When asked what I thought of them, I of course replied they were revisionist and thus an enemy of the people. I stated the truth: that the PSL is a theoretically weak organization that supports anyone who ever even called themselves “socialist,” from Ho Chi Minh to Trotsky and Rosa Luxemburg, with no respect for Marxism as a science. They also support modern capitalist China and uphold it as “socialist,” and, worst of all, they are apologists for the post-Stalin leadership of the USSR, from Khrushchev to Gorby, and the colonialist invasions of Hungary, Czechoslavakia and even Afghanistan. To put the icing on the cake, they even support Castro.

Yes, Castro—the most revisionist, social democratic leader in the world today, the puppet of post-Stalin Soviet imperialism that turned the entire island of Cuba into a Dominican-Republic-style plantation for the USSR’s empire. My friend of course replied he was okay with all of this, and would probably join the PSL. He also supported all the above-mentioned invasions, even Afghanistan, a non-Warsaw Pact state. If Breznhev’s invasion of Afghanistan can be justified, so can the Vietnam War.

This may seem completely ridiculous, to get so worked up over a friend’s political views. But you must understand—for a Marxist-Leninist, hearing one of your friends has been a revisionist all along is like learning he has cancer. “I’m sorry, he has revisionism. It’s malignant.”



Review of a Political Science Class

The following is a collection of thoughts written down about my political science professor and his comparative politics class. These notes were straight from the heart and were written down in a fury while listening to bourgeois propaganda which is being spewed daily.

To avoid charges of libel, the professor’s name has been changed to Mr. X.

This bourgeois stooge is the finest example of genocidal academia I have ever had the pleasure to witness. This class is a revolving door of suburban children who have grown up with all of their basic needs met to judge the “violence” and “human rights abuses” of anyone who is not the US; it is a breeding ground for fascism, an education camp for war criminals and mass murderers of the future. White nationalist kids flock here to feel good about how “free” they are and how all brown people are democracy-hating savages who eat each other for fun.

The class takes on a repetitive nature that is as much comforting clockwork as is it indoctrination: every nation is criticized except America and its European colonist allies. What follows is a condemnation of every movement and country which resists bloody US domination in the least, a sick sort of role-playing game where every student takes turns placing the pointed white hood over their heads and reciting the pledge of allegiance.

The students come like flocks of vultures and sit upon a grand pile of skulls, drenched in rivers of blood while braying like donkeys about how awful it is in poor Venezuela, where Chavez SHUT DOWN A TV STATION (do not faint!) and is thus compared to Hitler in the teacher’s own exams (can one not SEE the similarity?), all the while white phosphorus, which burns down to the bone, is dumped on Palestinian children in their name.

Nay! In Mr. X’s class, such inhuman offenses by “democracies” which are concerned with “human rights” magically do not exist. Indeed, Mr. X is a goose-stepping pseudo-humanist extraordinare, marching in obedient boot-licking lock-step with the imperialists who cluster bomb those savages trying to claw their way into his white dream, all the while eagerly asking which pub the “boys” are headed to after the day’s Nuremberg rally. Meaningless buzzwords like “human rights” and “democracy” become absolutes. Torture becomes an acceptable dogma against lesser, noticeably browner (surprise, surprise!) people who have the GALL to violate the “human rights” of others by actually pushing back (god forbid!) instead of kindly staying on their knees and being raped like good little subjects of Empire. This class is lobotomized, simplified racist capitalist pornography: cheap, simple and easy to consume.

If history remembers Mr. X at all, it will no doubt be as one of the countless numbers of blackface-painted, shoftshoe-dancing minstrel jesters of the ruling classes’ court, a willingly blind instrument of mass slaughter, another unremarkable Goebbels or Eichmann who “did his part” to obediently make sure the burning and turning war machine of empire kept turning with sufficiently-greased ideological wheels.