The Coffee Marxist


Why Enver Hoxha? Why Hoxhaism?

Some readers of this blog may be wondering about the man in the display banner. Who is this person? Why is he so important I would put him there? Even further, why is he important enough to have an entire communist ideology named after him?

The man is Enver Hoxha, the Marxist-Leninist leader of Albania and the last Marxist-Leninist head of state. He was the resolute defender of proletarian socialism, the leader of the International Communist Movement and of the anti-revisionist struggle, the great friend of the oppressed peoples and the architect of the revolution and socialist construction in Albania.

Here are a few of the main reasons I uphold Enver Hoxha, concisely explained in more or less chronological order:

  • Hoxha remained a loyal Marxist-Leninist to the end of his life.
  • Hoxha defeated Mussolini’s fascist forces and lead the Albanian liberation movement to victory against occupation and colonialism.
  • Hoxha led the world’s longest-lasting and most advanced socialist state for almost 40 years.
  • Socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat were established under Hoxha’s rule. His economic revolution was even more advanced than Stalin’s, with even more working class control over production centers.
  • Albania was industrialized and turned into an almost entirely self-sufficient country, despite being the poorest and most backward nation in Europe (it was a tribal society until the 50s) and being a fascist colony with only 1.5 million people.
  • Life expectancy under Hoxha went from 32 in the tribal days to 76.

    The Five Heads

    The Five Heads

  • Illiteracy before Hoxha was 90-95% in 1939, which by 1950 went down to 30% and by 1985 was equal to that of the United States.
  • Women’s rights were increased a thousand fold under Hoxha.
  • Tribal warfare and honor killings were ended.
  • Hoxha consistently fought against imperialism and particularly U.S. imperialism in Vietnam, Cuba, Indonesia, Africa, Latin America and everywhere else.
  • Hoxha was the most consistent fighter against revisionism the world has ever known, exposing revisionism wherever it might be, from within his own party to the Soviet Union, China, Korea, Cuba, Yugoslavia, Italy and onwards. He exposed revisionism on principle even when it was in his best interests to keep his mouth shut, such as with China and the Soviet Union.
  • Hoxha made an in-depth analysis of imperialism and social-imperialism, and explained in numerous works the connection between the two.
  • Hoxha was the first socialist leader to recognize Khrushchev’s revisionism and was the first to publically speak out against it.
  • Hoxha consistently fought against the renegade Tito and the Yugoslav revisionists.
  • Hoxha fought against the Greek monarcho-fascists.
  • Hoxha defeated coup attempts by the US, Tito, the Soviets and the Greeks.
  • Hoxha was the first, even before Mao, to offer a correct analysis of Khrushchev’s invasion of Hungary.
  • Hoxha was the first to offer an analysis of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia as well.
  • Although he originally supported it, Hoxha later spoke out against the Cultural Revolution as anti-Marxist after it became clear it was a struggle between rightist factions.
  • Hoxha recognized the nature of the Chinese state and, though he had spent decades praising it, decided to bravely push forward with his findings once and for all and declare Maoism a revisionist ideology.
  • Hoxha spoke out against the “Three Worlds Theory.”
  • Hoxha refuted the idea put forward by Mao that Soviet social-imperialism was somehow “more dangerous” than U.S. Imperialism.
  • Hoxha was the first to speak out against Eurocommunism and wrote an entire volume refuting it.
  • Hoxha condemned Nixon’s visit to Beijing and China’s collaboration with US imperialism.
  • Hoxha condemned the fascist coup in Chile by Pinochet and the mass slaughter of communists in Indonesia by US imperialism.
  • Hoxha condemned the genocidal acts in Kosova by Tito.
  • Hoxha created an International based solely on his own prestige.
  • Hoxha developed Marxism-Leninism further by exposing where revisionism comes from and how it can be fought.

I uphold Hoxha because he was and is the most correct communist of the modern age.



Freud & the Tyrants of Therapy

For more than a century and a half since the founding of the psychoanalytic criticism by Sigmund Freud, the school has found a tremendous audience in the field of literature and politics in general. Psychoanalytic or “Freudian” critical practice is essentially the criticism of something, in two ready-made examples, a person or a literary text, through the lens of contemporary psychology in order to explain the sexuality and behavior of that same person or abstract character.

Sadly, despite Marxism’s best efforts, the return of the concept of the political unconscious to go along with Freud’s now-hugely-famous “unconscious mind” concept has not taken hold to the mainstream. It is much easier to find the political unconscious of any given text then might be imagined, but for some reason critics have gone running into one German scholar’s arms and not the other. Indeed, readings of a work that speaks of the hermeneutics of suspicion and do not end up referring to homoerotic desire or an Oedipus complex these days are few and far in between.

While it is justified to talk of Moby Dick, the Picture of Dorian Gray and Kidnapped in terms of the sexual tension between male characters, almost no attempt is made to analyze the political modes, class interests and production that might influence such characterizations. After all, do these characters emerge from nothing but the individual psychology of the author? For example, in the above-mentioned novels, are the characters’ repressed homosexual desires a mere endorsement of hedonistic values as a celebration of beauty, or an overt expression of sexuality as an outgrowth of decadence which challenges bourgeois society and thus is seen as desirable? Is it Romantic-era lushness taken to an extreme in order to compensate for the perceived royalist “drabness” of industrial life, or a manifestation of the appeal to sensation against the moralist society at large? A Freudian would doubtlessly say the latter in both cases, simply because it lures him away from politics except that of the postmodern. However there is an important distinction between those two types of homosexuality: one is progressive in the neo-liberal sense and one is essentially royalist.

The famous Marxist critic Fredric Jameson essentially criticized the psychoanalytic form as being too focused on the individual experience, and thus unable to reach a level of cultural and social analysis. For a Marxist, the immediate leap is made to connect this with neo-liberal policies, which seek to liquidate class struggle and eliminate the survival of anything contrary to the postmodern existential and individual experience.

Jameson is right in saying that the master dogma of Freudian criticism depends on an isolated, autonomized sexuality that emerges only within the contexts of capitalism. Consequently, because Freud’s own branch of thought can only reach bloom within capitalism, it is hardly in a place to critique it-it lives inside the house, and cannot go outside and have a look at it the way Marxism can. Nevertheless, psychoanalysis does retain a credible force of criticism which is merely expanded by Marxism, which says that human consciousness is not master within its own house.

Mental illness diagnoses in general are often a response to behavior that either conflicts with, or concentrates, ideas and practices prevailing under the imperialist system. A “murderer” or a “serial killer” is one who kills people and does not happen to possess a badge or gun, or a plane with bombs in it. What psychologists call depression and obsessive-compulsive disorder is particularly interesting from this approach. The manifestations of mental illnesses are social products even if there is a chemical basis for them.

The radical individualism and violence in America may lead people diagnosed as mentally ill to shoot up a school or worry about CIA surveillance, while in a socialist society their behavior would manifest itself differently. The obsessive-compulsive man, for example, is frequently distressed with what he perceives to be uncleanliness or imperfection, defined usually in bourgeois terms of class thinking. See the movie “American Psycho” for an example. Another interesting phenomenon is the popular idea of the “mad genius,” or the concept that mental illness can coincide with or produce genius. Always it is shown as also bringing its downfall, though little is done to analyze whether or not this is true. Instead, one is invited to gaze in awe of the genius and to strive to be one of these “greats” who “burn out, rather than fade away,” which does little but reinforce individualism and the rights of capital.

Unfortunately, Freudian criticism does not ponder how every single citizen in an imperialist country, male or female, white or black, worker or celebrity happens to be prone to “mental illness and depression.” To do so would undermine the whole individualist approach to Freudian psychology and expose (do not faint!) real social problems.